The Lexicon Alpinum is essentially an alphabetical list of the morpho-lexical types, the base types and the concepts collected by VerbaAlpina. Some entries are accompanied by linguistic comments. This is mainly the case when, in the opinion of VerbaAlpina, there is no or only insufficient information available from the cited reference dictionaries. The alphabetical list also contains a few entries on selected concepts that are central to VerbaAlpina, such as CHEESE, BUTTER or CHALET. More detailed explanations are, apart from the special project-specific meaning, mostly motivated by the fact that VerbaAlpina considers the information provided in common reference books (mainly in the large etymological dictionaries and in the portals operated by Wikimedia, in particular Wikipedia) to be insufficient in the context of the project perspective. To a certain extent, both the selection of the concepts presented in the Lexicon Alpinum and the decision to which morpho-lexical respectively base types a special comment is added is intuitive.
The functionality of the Lexicon Alpinum arises largely from the symbols (icons) in the title bar and on the right margin of each entry; the meaning of the icons also appears when the mouse arrow is placed over them (mouseover). Each entry can be directly addressed via the citation icon (") and linked via another icon (chain icon). The respective keyword of the article can also be visualised on the interactive map. The icon on the right margin ('Data') leads to all the information gathered in the info windows of the interactive map; above all, the links to corresponding articles in reference dictionaries appear. In the case of concepts, also links to Wikidata data objects as well as to other standard data are provided; in this way, the material of VA will be contextualized lexicographically and encyclopedically.
However, the entries of the Lexicon Alpinum are not only linked to norm data from outside the project, but project-specific norm data are also provided and appear in the title bar immediately after the keyword. Depending on whether the keyword represents a morpho-lexical type, a base type or a concept, these VA norm data are indexed with 'Lnn', 'Bnn' or 'Cnn'. Finally, an icon is also available for downloading all information.
This base type originates from Lat. ŭnctum ‘grease, ointment’ and correlates with the past participle of the Lat. verb ŭngere ‘to grease’. Due to nominalization, the meaning ‘the fat’ emerged. At the same time, it meant ‘ointment’ from the 2nd century on. Both meanings can still be found today. ‘Ointment’ is preserved in Ita. unguento, Piedmontese oit (cf. Treccani under unguento). A further component of this base is Ron. unt or Friulan ont with the meaning ‘Butter’ (cf. FEW 14, 29 under unctum; cf. REW 9057 under unctum. According to Kluge (2012: 437), the base type ancho appears to share the same Ine. root (*ongw en- ‛ointment, grease, butter’) with the base type ŭnctum.
For this type (cf. Idiotikon I: 341), Kluge gives the following short entry:
"Anke(n), (replaced by Butter) Sm ‛Butter' perwobd. (8th century), mhd.anke, ahd.anko.
Although only German has preserved the word, g.*ankwōnm. ‛fat, butter' is to be assumed as a continuation of ig. (weur.) *ongwen- ‛ointment, fat, butter' (in various degrees of ablaut), cf. l.unguenn. ‛fat, ointment', air.imb ‛butter' (*ṇgwen-) to the verbal root ig.*ongw- ‛to anoint' in ai.anákti, l.unguere et al. Thus, originally ‛ointment, grease'." (Kluge, 47 under Anke(n))
On the one hand, a plausible connection is revealed here; on the other hand, however, an improbable historical conclusion is drawn from it: Kluge interprets the word as an isolated Indo-Germanic relict, although it would be much more logical to explain this south-west German (Alemannic) type as being derived from Latin-Romanic (cf. unguere).
The Latin base mentioned with the velar has indeed been displaced by the variant *ŭngĕre (REW9069) in the immediately adjacent Romanic area, as indicated by the palatalisation of g in roh. (Surselvic) unscher, roh. ((Engadine) uondscher, ita. ungere and others (cf. HWdR, 971). In what is now French, however, cognates of lat. ŭnguĕre are predominant (cf. FEW 14, 36 f.). These include forms with a clear semantic reference to milk processing, such as ogner 'donner son lait | giving milk' (with change of conjugation class) and ogna 'quantité de lait que donne une vache en une fois | amount of milk a cow gives at one time'. Incidentally, the participle unctum has given rise to the well attested fur. term for BUTTER ont, lld. onto, vonto (cf. ron. unt) in the Romanic-speaking part of the VA area. The proposed borrowing from Latin Romatic is phonetically possible and semantically self-evident, considering the numerous other romanisms in this onomasiological field. With regard to the much wider distribution of the type butyru(m), it is also reasonable to see an older type in the terms derived from the verb variants ŭnguĕre, *ŭngĕre, which was later overwritten by butyru(m).
The term's etymology is unclear. The proposed derivations from the isolated viewpoints of individual language families, do not do justice to the large area of distribution in German, Romance languages and Slovenian.
From an Italianist point of view, DELI suggests roa. baita, bait < Old High German wahta – but without considering the slv. bajta 'bad house' or the gsw. (Alemannic) Beiz, bar. Boazn, Beisl 'pub' (unfortunately, this widespread type is missing in the SDS, the Idiotikon and the BSA). The mentioned Germanic forms with ts, s can thus not be explained.
From a Germanistic point of view, Kluge (2011, 106 under Beiz(e) and Beisel) derives the gsw. (Alemannic) and bar. forms from Yiddish bajis 'house' < hbo. bajit 'house', which does not correspond to the roa. t (cf. EWD I, 203). Direct mediation from Hebrew (meaning without Yiddish mediation) is historically implausible given the large area and the connection to everyday life in Alpine farming. The semantics of the Romance forms ('hut, Alpine hut, stable', etc.) as well as the Slovenian records ('bad house') do not provide any justification for the assumption of a large-scale distribution of an originally adstratal borrowing from the Friulian-Slovenian contact area. A substratal borrowing from the pre-Slavic and pre-Germanic Old Romance of the Eastern Alps seems much more plausible. Ultimately, it appears to be a pre-Roman Alpine word.
Cortelazzo, Manlio/ Zolli, Paolo (1979): Dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana, Bologna, Zanichelli
Baumgartner, Heinrich/ Handschuh, Doris/ Hotzenköcherle, Rudolf (1962-2003): Sprachatlas der Deutschen Schweiz, Bern, vol. 1-9, Francke
The morpho-lexical type Barn is found in Bavarian and Alemannic dialects of the Alpine region. While within the Crowd documents, forms of Barn only have the meaning 'fodder manger, rack for fodder, fodder trough', atlas examples are attested with the meaning 'hay room, compartment for hay above the cattle shed' (cf. VALTS IV 110).
In Kluge's etymological dictionary, only the first meaning 'manger, hayloft' is given in the sense of a feeding vessel. In other dictionaries, however, the definition as a part of a building in which fodder is stored is also given (cf. BWB, DWB, Idiotikon). The noun barn also exists in English as "A covered building for the storage of grain; and, in wider usage, of hay, straw, flax, and other produce of the earth" (cf. OED).
In German, the etymology of the word seems uncertain. The Etymological Dictionary of the German Language considers a connection with gem. *ber-a- 'to carry'. This probably includes the Old English (ae.) beren or bere-ærn, the ae. bere 'barley'. However, there is no German equivalent for the latter.
Kommission für Mundartforschung (1995 -): Bayerisches Wörterbuch (BWB), München
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
This base type goes back to the Latin etymon bassus 'low' (cf. REW 978, under bassus). In Classical Latin it is really only documented as an addition to family names in the sense of 'the fat one' (cf. Georges 1, 793 under bassus). In most glosses, when used as an adjective, it bears the pejorative connotation 'fat, thick, stocky', which is also the original meaning of the word. It thus does not mean low in the sense of 'low-lying' in this case (cf. FEW 1, 275 under bassus). In French, it became the adjective bas, which can change its meaning depending on whether it precedes or follows the noun. If one wants to attribute an external or geographical quality to a noun, it follows the noun. If, however, the speaker wishes to express a subjective evaluation, it is placed before the noun, which is thereby devalued (cf. TLFi, under bas). The fra. babeurre 'buttermilk' is a composition of two base types: bassus and butyrum 'butter' (cf. TLFi, under babeurre; see also babeurre (m.) (roa.)). The conjunction with fra. bas expresses that buttermilk was considered only as a waste product. It is generated during the production of butter and contains mostly water. The farmers in the Alps consumed it only very rarely; it was mainly used for the production of whey cheese or fed to the pigs.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
Based on the data from Crowdsourcing, the word type Beil seems to be the more common designation for AXE in the Alemannic language area while the morpho-lexical type Axt is also common. However, more semantic than lexical variation is to be assumed here. Thus, in its article on Bīel (cf. Idiotikon under Bīel), the Swiss Idiotikon points out the difference between Beil and Ax(t), which is further explained in the article on Axt (cf. Idiotikon under Ax): "But mostly, this distinction is made: the axe has [a] longer handle, but [a] narrower edge, and is especially used for striking with the back". The Crowders may no longer be aware of this difference, or it may be irrelevant, since working with wood is not part of everyday life anymore. For even in standard language, a distinction can be made between an axe "tool with a narrow cutting edge and a long handle, especially for felling trees" (cf. Duden under Axt) and a hatchet "tool similar to an axe with a broad cutting edge and a short handle, especially for working wood and meat" (cf. Duden under Beil).
Attested in Old High German as bîhal (cf. AWB under bîhal); it is a "German and Dutch word only". However, there are lexical equivalents in some Celtic languages, e.g., in Old Irish bíail, biáil or Welsh bwyall, bw(y)ell (cf. Kluge under Beil).
Karg-Gasterstädt, Elisabeth / Frings, Theodor (1952-): Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch. Auf Grund der von Elias v. Steinmeyer hinterlassenen Sammlungen im Auftrag der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Lepzig
According to DWB, a Bitsche is a "wooden drinking vessel with a lid" (cf. DWB under Bitschen). Schmeller lemmatises it as Butschen or Bütschen and further describes it as a "small vessel in the form of a truncated cone, provided with a handle and a lid, which is used by numerous household servants as a convenient and durable drinking vessel" (cf. Schmeller under Butschen). Both the Grimms' DWB and Schmeller's Bavarian Dictionary cite mainly Slavic examples as comparable word types in other languages: Polish beczka, Czech bečka Russian botschka. botschka 'skid, barrel'.
The DWB assumes that the Slavic words evolved from the German Bottich. For the Bottich, on the other hand, Kluge states that it was "certainly borrowed from the Romanic area". However, it assumes a short form of the word apothēca 'wine cellar' as etymon (cf. Kluge under Bottich), although it also states that the word is originally Upper German. For the Bitsche itself, however, another etymology comes into question. In the Treccani article on bottìglia (cf. Treccani under bottìglia), the late Latin bŭ(t)ticŭla, a diminutive of buttis 'barrel', is given as the etymon. Butsch also exists in Swiss German dialects (cf. Idiotikon under Butsch) and the Idiotikon mentions Romansh butschin as a cognate corresponding to ita. botticino. If one assumes a long-distance assimilation of the root vowel through the /i/ and a later raising of /y/ to /i/, which is typical in Bavarian, Bitschn as it is mainly found in derviates such as Millibitschn (cf. Map Milchbitsche) could be explained in this way.
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
Schmeller, Johann Andreas (1827–1837): Bayerisches Wörterbuch : Sammlung von Wörtern und Ausdrücken, die in den lebenden Mundarten sowohl, als in der ältern und ältesten Provincial-Litteratur des Königreichs Bayern, besonders seiner ältern Lande, vorkommen, und in der heutigen allgemein-deutschen Schriftsprache entweder gar nicht, oder nicht in denselben Bedeutungen üblich sind, mit urkundlichen Belegen, nach den Stammsylben etymologisch-alphabetisch geordnet., Stuttgart, vol. 1-4, Cotta
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
The characteristic Ladin type brama 'cream' differs from the type bruma only in the tonal vowel [a]. It obviously developed under the influence of crama. However, since the Dolomite-Ladin area does not seem to have been inhabited by Celts (the Dolomite region was inhabited by the Venetians in prehistoric or early historic times, or at least was very much under their cultural influence. Corresponding archaeological finds were made in Cadore [see. F.V. and Winkle, Christian, "Veneti", in: Brill's New Pauly, Antiquity volumes edited by: Hubert Cancik and , Helmuth Schneider, English Edition by: Christine F. Salazar, Classical Tradition volumes edited by: Manfred Landfester, English Edition by: Francis G. Gentry. Consulted online on 09 November 2018 (Link). First published online: 2006; First print edition: 9789004122598]. Archaeological evidence suggesting the presence of Celts in this region seems to be lacking so far.), the originally Celtic crama is not to be regarded as a substrate word. Rather, the merging of the two types can be explained by the fact that cel., or then roa. crama has advanced from the west to the central Ladin area and mixed there with the originally widespread Latin type bruma, which finally gave rise to the Ladin word forms of the type brama (cf. the map on brama). This must have happened before the Germanisation of the Eisack and Etsch valleys (cf. EWD I: 337-338).
Kramer, Johannes (1988-1998): Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Dolomitenladinischen, Hamburg, vol. 1-8, Helmut Buske
Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Dolomitenladinischen
(auct. Myriam Abenthum | Thomas Krefeld | Stephan Lücke – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
Based on Old Norse brot 'meat broth', eng. broth, dum. brode, goh. proth 'broth', this base type can be identified as of Germanic origin. From this, ita. brodo, broda, pms. breu or cat. brou have developed. BRÜHE was a typical food of Germanic peoples, whereas the Romans did not know it. It is for this reason that the word was borrowed from Germanic into the Romance languages. However, in addition to its original meaning 'broth', it has also evolved the secondary meaning 'foam', which has entered the terminology of dairy processing. Thus, in Gallo-Roman, we find derivatives such as brou de beurre 'butter foam' or brôe 'foam on the milk' (cf. FEW 15, 291–300 under *brod). A transfer to the concept of BUTTERMILK within VerbaAlpina's research area is attested for Trento.
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
Within VerbaAlpina's research area, this base type, presumably originating from a pre-Roman substrate, is represented by the morpho-lexical type brousse.
(auct. Thomas Krefeld – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
Beyond Francoprovençal and Occitan, this morpho-lexical type is also attested in Catalan and Corsican (brocciu) (cf. TLFi under brousse 2). The derivation from Gothic that was assumed in the past is not very plausible in view of this distribution (especially in Corsica) and the onomasiology (MILK PROCESSING, in particular: FRESH CHEESE FROM SHEEP AND GOAT MILK). The pre-Roman etymology proposed by Ernest Schüle, which TLFi mentions in the résumé of the word history, is much more convincing:
"D'apr. Brüch dans Z. rom. Philol. t. 35, p. 635, GAM. Rom.1t. 1, p. 369, t. 2, p. 38 et Gamillscheg dans Z. rom. Philol. t. 40, p. 148, ce groupe de mots est issu du got. *brǔkja « ce qui est brisé », dér. du got. gabruka « morceau » (FEIST, s.v. gabruka; KLUGE20, s.v. Brocken). E. Schüle dans Pat. Suisse rom., s.v. brochyè, estime au contraire qu'un terme got. peut difficilement s'être implanté dans le vocab. laitier des Alpes, et propose une base préromane *brottiare, d'orig. inconnue.” (cf. TLFi under brousse 1).
(2004): Trésor de la langue française informatisé, Paris, CNRS Éditions
The Latin etymon of this base type is bruma, originally meaning 'winter solstice'. Bruma is the shortened form of *brevŭma (< brevissima dies 'shortest day' (cf. Treccani: under bruma). In addition, it denotes 'winter' in a general sense and 'winter frost' in a narrower sense (cf. Georges under bruma). This has evolved into the meaning 'mist' in Western Romania, as in fra. brume, spa., por. bruma and cat. broma. Fur. brume (cf. FEW 10, 561-562 under bruma) has the same meaning and moreover became the metaphorical designation of CREAM. The Ladin form brama, adjoining to the west, probably received its tonal vowel under the influence of the synonymous term crama.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
The Lat. etymon of this base type does not pose a problem: It is a Greek loan word which is composed of tyrós (ὁ τυ̅ρός) 'cheese' and boūs (ἡ βοῦς: cf. Lat. bovis) 'cow'. The emphasis on cattle-cheese that is expressed by this word formation marks the product as something distinctive and indicates that CHEESE originally was not produced using COW'S MILK. To this day, cheese is customarily produced using sheep's and goat's milk in Greek culture (compare this corresponding depiction from the Polyphemus-episode in the Odyssey [9,170-566; esp. 244-247]; Polyphemus does not own any cattle).
τὸ βούτυ̅ρον is Greek for 'the milk's fat' (τὸ πῖον τοῦ γάλακτος [Corpus Hippocraticum]). The Corpus Hippocraticum (a collection of medicinal texts that were recorded between the sixth century BC and second century AD) gives an account of the Scythians producing cheese from mare’s milk (Corp. Hipp., Morb. 4, 20). The method described therein has remained the same and is occasionally applied to this day. Reportedly, the Scythians filled a barrel (hollow wooden vessels: ἐς ξύλα κοῖλα) with the mare’s milk which was then shaken. It is not specified in the Corpus Hippocraticum what the butter was used for by the Scythians (as a food or as a remedy).
Similar to the Corpus Hippocraticum, the impression of the use butter as something typically 'barbaric' emerges when reading Pliny the Elder (NH 28, 35: e lacte fit et butyrum, barbararum gentium lautissimus cibus et qui divites a plebe discernat). This may be due to the (still) predominant use of olive oil as cooking fat in the Mediterranean world. In the Greco-Roman region, butter seems to have been used more as a remedy rather than a cooking ingredient. There certainly are numerous records of βούτυ̅ρον/butyrum in the context of medical literature (i.a. in Celsus and Galen, apart from Hippocrates). Pliny the Elder also denotes the use of butter as a remedy (e.g., against neck pain: NH 28, 52)
In addition to the neuter gender βούτυ̅ρον, there is also the masculine version ὁ βούτυ̅ρος. In both cases, the accent falls on the third to last syllable (proparoxytone). The Greek word seems to have been adopted into Latin (butyrum).
There are two accent variants of the base type butyru(m) that need to be distinguished:
paroxytone Lat. butӯru(m) which is the origin of the Ita. type butirro (cf. DELI 179);
Lat. bútyru(m) with the accent on the initial syllable which was inherited from Gr. βούτυ̅ρον. From this came the Old French bure resulting in Modern French beurre. This type was borrowed by Italian and led to Ita. burro (cf. DELI 178).
It is not obvious how the word was transferred from Romanic into Germanic. Take note of the varying gender in Ger. Butter: In Alemannic and Bavarian the masculine type is dominant while the SDS also documents instances of the feminine and even one neuter gender. Kluge, 166 views the masculine type as a secondary development analogous to the masculine Alemannic synonym Anke while the feminine version, which he describes as the result of a conversion from neuter plural -a to feminine singular, prevailed. This is in line with Old High German butira. However, considering the interlingual geolinguistics of the Alpine region, this explanation is not convincing. The masculine type in the Bavarian language region of Tyrol shares an area with the equally masculine Roa. type but'ir which borders to the south. It is thus much more probable that this form is the primary substratal loanword while the feminine type die Butter is a secondary variation. Because of the dental -t-, the loanword was likely not formed before the eight century AD, but rather after the second sound shift.
Therefore, it seems that the type butyrum largely repressed the meaning of 'to grease' contained in Lat. unguere / *ungere.
Cortelazzo, Manlio/ Zolli, Paolo (1979): Dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana, Bologna, Zanichelli
Baumgartner, Heinrich/ Handschuh, Doris/ Hotzenköcherle, Rudolf (1962-2003): Sprachatlas der Deutschen Schweiz, Bern, vol. 1-9, Francke
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
Sprachatlas der deutschen Schweiz
(auct. Thomas Krefeld | Stephan Lücke – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
The exact origin of this type is unclear. In Latin, capanna is very rare and, moreover, only attested very late, namely in Isidore of Seville (and another instance in Juvenalscholien from around 800). It has been suspected to be a Celtic word (FEW 2, 244 under capanna), but there seems to be no certain evidence for this. Isidore derives the word from Latin capere, albeit erroneously. He claims that a small hut is called capanna because it can only accommodate one person (Origines, XV [De aedificiis et agris], 12, 2: "Hunc rustici capannam vocant, quod unum tantum capiat"). In the far north of Piedmont, the SENN is called capannaio, among other names.
The phonetic variants of this morpho-lexical type can be grouped into types on the basis of the following criteria:
(1) Variance of the anlaut:
[k-] preserved; cf. fra. cabane;
[k-] palatalised:
[k-] > [ts-]; cf. frp. tsˈăvănə.
[k-] > [tɕ-]; cf. Engadine chamanna;
[k-] > [ʧ-]; cf. frp. ʧavˈaːna.
(2) Anlaut of 2nd syllable in intervocalic position:
[-p-] preserved; cf. ita. capanna;
[-p-] weakened:
- sonorisation [-p-] > [b-]; cf. fra. cabane;
- sonorisation and spirantisation [-p-] > [v-];
(3) final vowel:
[-a];
[-ə];
[-e];
[-o].
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
This base type is 'spread as a place name and appellative across a large area in western Mediterranean languages' (FEW 2, 51, under kala). Originally, it seems to have been a pre-Indo-European terrain description which meant 'sheltered site'. This explains the term cala 'bay' in Italian (e.g., Sicilian) and Ibero-Romanic (cf. FEW ibid.). In VerbaAlpina’s research area, this base also has its source in the name of the Val Calanca, a lateral valley of the Misox/Misocco.
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
The underlying Latin capanna is documented only once (in Isidore) according to FEW 2, 244–246 under capanna; "its origin is obscure" (FEW 2, 244 under capanna). The forms with -m- form an Alpine variant (cf. DRG 3, 236–239 under chamona). Regarding the semantics of the roh. forms it says: "The meaning 'hut, simple, meagre house' of the modern, literarily inclined form camona occupies an intermediate position between fam. baitaDRG 2, 76 under baita) 'shack, dilapidated house, bad hut' and teja 'hut, Alpine hut' (cf. also fögler (239))."
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
This base type is derived from lat. *cappellus 'a kind of headgear' and is a diminutive of Latin cappa 'hat' (cf. FEW 2, 293 under cappellus). Originally, Latin *cappellus denoted various types of headgear. Wearing hats was actually foreign to the Romans. Only the common people who worked outside wore hats of various shapes and materials for protection. Originating from Latin, *cappellus, fra. chapeau, ita. cappèllo, roh. ( Engadine) tśapé and also fur. tśapel developed. According to Kramer (EWD II, 153), the root word lld. ćiapél 'hat' is purely a hereditary word. In our area it could also be found as a term for WHIPPED CREAM (map *cappellus). Derivations from Latin cappa were documented in names for the foam on cider or beer or for the skin that forms on boiled milk (cf. EWD II, 275). This metaphorical term for 'foam' has also developed in the Latin diminutive *cappellus (cf. EWD II, 291). This explains why *cappellus is also found to denote whipped cream. The metaphorical transfer of caput is similarly motivated.
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
The base for this is Lat. caput 'head'. In Latin, caput competed with testa, which actually meant 'clay vessel, shard'. In the larger part of the Romanesque language area, caput was given up in favour of testa (cf. FEW 2, 334 under caput). However, its original meaning prevailed in Lombardy, in southern Italy, in Tuscany, in Friuli, Grisons, Romania, Catalonia, south-east France and in the Dolomite Ladin area (Ita. capo, Lld. ćé or Friulan ciâf; cf. DELI 1, 199-200; cf. EWD II, 74-75). The Latin caput already had versatile metaphorical uses, such as 'the top, the peak, the tip' (cf. Georges under caput). In the Romanesque language area of the Alps, metaphorical terms denoting CREAM can be found, since it accumulates on top of the milk. Cappellus is the result of a similar metaphorical transfer.
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
Cortelazzo, Manlio/ Zolli, Paolo (1979): Dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana, Bologna, Zanichelli
Kramer, Johannes (1988-1998): Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Dolomitenladinischen, Hamburg, vol. 1-8, Helmut Buske
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
CHEESE is commonly called caseus 'cheese' in Latin (cf. Georges, under caseus). Kluge sees a connection with Old Church Slavonic kvasŭ ‛sourdough' and therefore advocates an Indo-European origin. The Latin word entered Germanic very early (cf. goh. kāsi, recorded in the 8th century, and ang. cēse, with conspicuous palatalisation); according to Kluge, "[t]he Latin word [...] is borrowed in connection with the preparation of rennet cheese. Before that, the Germanic peoples knew only soft cheese (curd)" (478). In Romansh itself, the initially dominant type (cf. DéROM: under */`kasi-u/ and FEW 2, 456–458 under caseus) has been widely replaced, however, especially by the type formaticu(m), which is explicitly motivated by rennet cheese-making, or, more precisely, by the production of cheese with a COAGULANT. Only with this technique, forming the cheese, letting it mature and longer preservation become possible (cf. fra. fromage, ita. formaggio etc.). The type caseus has been preserved in ita. càcio (Treccani under càcio), which is common at the dialectal level especially in Tuscany and in the dialects of Central and Southern Italy (cf. DELI I, 182). However, it also occurs in the VerbaAlpina study area, in the form of Ladin ćiajó (cf. EWD II, 126) (cf. Map of the base type caseum). In the Western Alps, on the other hand, caseus failed to assert itself from the outset against the pre-Roman, presumably Gallic substrate word tomme / toma (f.) (roa.).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type is based on Latin cautum 'enclosed space', which belongs to Latin cautus 'secure, safeguarded' (cf. Hubschmid 1950, 338; cf. REW, under cautum). Romance cognates are Dolomite Ladin ćiàlt 'shed' (cf. EWD II, 129) and fur. ciôt 'pigsty' (cf. FEW 2, 547 under cautus).
Hubschmid, Johannes (1950): Vorindogermanische und jüngere Wortschichten in den romanischen Mundarten der Ostalpen, Tübingen, in: Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, vol. 66, Niemeyer, 1-94
The distribution of the forms belonging to this base type is not easily assessable. This is because the Standard German Keller can also be traced back to the Latin cellārium, so that the question arises whether the Alemannic and Bavarian attestations in the study area should be seen as variants that came with Standard German, or whether they should be considered relics of the Latin-Romanic substrate. The argument in favour of the substrate is undoubtedly semantics, because in the Germanic Alpine region, as in Romansh, the dominant meaning is 'milk room, room/hut for storing milk and cheese' or 'hut for processing milk'. This meaning is primarily functional and defined by purpose rather than architectural aspects and therefore corresponds much more to the Classical Latin meaning of cellārium, namely 'pantry, larder' than to the meaning 'basement' in Standard German Keller. Italian cellaio also tends to denote the storeroom; the 'basement', on the other hand, is called cantina. The Romanic records thus show an ethnographically evident, slight semantic specialisation. The development of the meaning from 'storage room' to 'cellar' is also very plausible, especially in the case of wine, which is often stored in the cellar. On the other hand, the regression from deu. Keller to 'storage room for milk and cheese', i.e., precisely to the presumed old meaning of the neighbouring Romanic forms, is very unlikely.
However, the phonetics of the Alemannic and Bavarian forms are complicated, as they show no reflex of the Romanic palatalisation of the initial [k-]. This problem arises not only for southern Germany, but for the entire early Latin-Romanic/German borrowing area, as shown by the juxtaposition of the shifted (deu. Zwiebel < lat. *cēpŭlla; REW, 1820 under cēpŭlla) and unshifted forms (deu. Kiste < lat. cĭsta 'basket', deu. Wicke < lat. vĭcia). Note in this context the name of the river deu. Neckar < lat. Nicer (cf. RE, XVII,1 and dKP 4, 88) without any palatalisation. This name was borrowed with a certain probability before 260–280 AD, since the areas of Germania superior on the right bank of the Rhine, including the entire course of the Neckar, were abandoned in this period. Thus arises a terminus post quem for palatalisation in the Northern Alpine Empire or, in more cautious terms, for its general implementation. Given the fundamentally old age of Romanic palatalisation, it is not convincing to argue only with the time of the borrowing. Rather, one should consider that unshifted, conservative and shifted, innovative variants coexisted in Early Romanic over a long period of time. Note that the plosive did by no means survive only in the early romanised, isolated and quite distant Sardinian (cf. the well-known examples such as srd. kentu 'hundred' \ lat. centu[m] etc.), but also seems to have existed in Dalmatian. In this case, the distance to Alpine Romanic is no longer very great (cf. Dalmatian kapula < lat. *cēpŭlla; REW, 1820 under cēpŭlla).
The originally Alpine term chalet (cf. TLFi, under chalet) has entered Standard French via tourism. It is based on the diminutive derivation of a probably pre-Indo-European *cala.
(2004): Trésor de la langue française informatisé, Paris, CNRS Éditions
This Romansh type is related to the morphology-lexical type fra. / ita. cabane / capanna (f.) (roa.), both of which go back to the base type capănna(m).
This morpho-lexical type corresponds to a diminutive of Latin caseus 'cheese' and originally meant 'small cheese'. As the map shows, it can especially be found with the generic meaning 'cheese' in Romansh (cf. DRG 3, 444-450, under chaschöl), but also in part of Ladin (Val Gardena) (cf. Map chaschöl) and beyond the study area, e.g., in Venetian (casuòla; cf. EWD II, 126) and Occitan (cf. FEW 2, 456, under caseolus).
De Planta, Robert/ Melcher, Florian/ Pult, Chasper/ Giger, Felix (1938ff.): Dicziunari Rumantsch grischun, Chur, Inst. dal Dicziunari Rumantsch Grischun
This is based on Latin clarus 'bright' with the metaphorical meaning 'diluted'. Its motivation is quite understandable with regard to the watery and less opaque BUTTERMILK. Analogous forms are documented in FEW, 2, 739 under clarus.
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
According to AIS (Map 576, item 318, see remarks in the legend) the morpho-lexical type roa. clat refers to the concept BRANCH, OF THE FIR, and denotes the branch of a conifer without needles. The distribution area of this type is limited to the village of Forni Avoltri in Friuli. For this locality and for this concept, three linguistic references have been recorded in the AIS. These are: klát, kláts, tláts. Etymologically, these records can be explained by the Latin base type clādēs (cf. Georges v. 1, column 1187 under clādēs), the cognate of the ancient Greek κλάδος (kládos), meaning 'branch'.
Jaberg, Karl / Jud, Jakob (1928-1940): Sprach- und Sachatlas Italiens und der Südschweiz, Zofingen, vol. 1-7
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type is based on Latin coagulum, which already meant both 'rennet' and 'curdled milk' (metonymically) in Classical Latin. It persists in all Romance languages. However, the two meanings 'rennet' and 'curdled milk' have only been preserved in Gallo-Roman (cf. FEW, 2, 816 ff., under coagulum). In the other Romance languages, the type exclusively denotes the coagulating agent, such as ita. caglio or roh. (Surselvian) cuagl, roh. (Engadine) quegl 'rennet' (cf. HWdR, 206; DRG, 4, 303, under cuagl). Alongside the noun stands the verb coagulare. The initially transitive verb Latin coagulare 'to let sth. curdle' has also been used intransitively with the meaning 'to clot' since the 5th century. It is found throughout the Romance area, as for example fra. cailler, ita. quagliare (cf. FEW 2, 816-820, under coagulare).
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
According to Georges, the original meaning of Lat. cohors is 'a place that is fenced all around, the courtyard, the enclosure, especially for livestock, the stockyard'. Through metonymical transfer, such meanings as 'crowd, bevy, entourage' as well as the commonly known special military terms ('a tenth of a legion, bodyguard' etc.) arose. Within the Alpine region, the original meaning has been preserved ('open area for milking and sleeping around the Alpine hut'), while it also underwent a natural metonymical transfer to pasture huts (cf. the analogous polysemy of the base type malga).
Varro refers to two derivations of the word cohors he considers plausible: It could either be connected to the verb coorior and thus denote the place around which livestock gathers (according to R.G. Kent's translation [Varro. On the Latin Language, Volume I: Books 5-7. Translated by Roland G. Kent. Loeb Classical Library 333. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938], although this meaning is hard to bring in line with the other recorded meanings in Georges and, more generally, the basic meaning of the simplex oriri altogether), or it could be related to the Greek χόρτος, which itself seems to be linked to Lat. hortus (Varro, De Lingua Latina 5,88: cohors quae in villa, quod circa eum locum pecus cooreretur, tametsi cohortem in villa Hypsicrates dicit esse Graece χόρτον apud poetas dictam). Both hortus and χόρτος originally have quite similar meanings to cohors (on χόρτος see, e.g., Il. 11, 774 or 24, 640).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type stems from lat. cōlare 'to sieve, to strain', which is derived from lat. colum 'sieve' (cf. DELI 2, 250 f.). Apart from the terminology used in metal processing, it is also a common technical term, especially in the dairy industry, which refers to 'straining the milk'; cf. fra. couler, ita. colare, roh. cular, lld. corè (with a rhotacism from -l- zu -r-) etc.; (cf. FEW 2, 877 under colare).
Cortelazzo, Manlio/ Zolli, Paolo (1979): Dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana, Bologna, Zanichelli
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
The etymon of the base type crama is of Gallic descent. The first record can be found in Venantius Fortunatus (see below) in the sixth century. In the ninth and tenth century, it occurs in a commentary and medical prescriptions. Primarily, this base type denotes the concept CREAM. The etymology of the French cognates is interesting: In fro., the form craime ‘crême du lait’ exists, as can be expected. However, in Middle French, the form cresme 'la partie la plus épaisse du lait, qui s'élève à la surface quand on le laisse reposer, et dont on faire le beurre' is documented (cf. FEW 2, 1271, 1272, under crama). The last hint of the s in this form, which can be found in the ê in the French standard spelling (crême), needs some clarification. It can be explained by a cross with the church word chrisma 'anointing, unction' from grc. χρῖσμα.
In Modern French, the form crème became established and was then borrowed into Italian as crema (cf. DELI 1: 295). However, the base type crama prevailed in Piedmontese, Lombard and Romansh although the initial was sonorised, like, e.g., roh. (Sursilvan) groma / roh. (Engadine) gramma (cf. HWdR, 381; DRG, 7, 687, under gramma).
Here, the German lexical type Rahm is assigned to crama as well, thus suggesting a new derivation based on the language contact in Alpine regions. In the Kluge 2011, under Rahm, the etymology is outlined from an Indo-Germanic perspective:
"RahmS[.]m 'cream' std. (11. cent.), mhd.roum, mndd.rōm(e)[.] From wg.*rauma-m. 'Rahm', also in ae.rēam; with the respective ablaut anord.rjúmi. If *raugma- is to be assumed, avest.raoγna-n., raoγniiā-f. 'butter' are comparable. Further origin unclear. The Modern High German form is based on a vernacular that led to the development from mhd.ou to ā . When Rahm is semantically differentiated against Sahne ('cream'), it refers to sour cream. Prefix derivation: entrahmen; particle derivation: abrahmen. Furthermore nndl.room." (Kluge 2011, online under Rahm 1)
In this approach, the dialectal connections are ignored. However, the popularity of the type fra.crème / ita. crema in the Romanesque Alpine region, more specifically, immediately below the Germanic-Romansh language border (cf. map crama), must be taken into account.
The corresponding phonetic types with the vowel variants [æ], [e], [o] and [a] self-evidently lead back to a common original form, namely [a], since the raising of a stressed /a/ > [e] or > [æ] in an open syllable and rounding of an /a/ > [o] before a labial are completely regular. The resulting base type thus seems to be originating from Gallic (meaning from Celtic) (cf. FEW 2, 1271–1274, under crama). The word is documented in Venantius Fortunatus (*540–600/610), who was born in Valdobbiadene in the south-eastern fringe of the Alps, north of Teviso. It would not be very plausible to try to explain the common area of these synonymous types deu. Rahm and roa. crama based on a coincidental intersection. Rather, the German base type should be assigned to the same Gallo-Roman base type.
The reduction of the lat.-roa initial [kr-] > deu. [r-] must be viewed related to the fact that 'in ger., h- before a consonant recedes in the 9th cent.' (FEW 16, 249, under *hrokk), as numerous similar forms show. In the early period of Germanic-Romansh language contact, the variant [hr-] must have still existed since fra. froc 'frock' cannot be traced back to roc, but only to hroc with the substitution of the laryngeal fricative by a labiodental fricative. Kluge writes:
"Rock[.] Smstd. (9. cent.), mhd.roc, rok, ahd.(h)roc, as.rok [.] From wg.*rukka-m. 'Rock', also af.rokk. Outside of Germanic, air.rucht 'tunic', kymr.rhuchen 'coat' are comparable. Anything else is unclear. There is another version with the initial hr- in ahd.hroc, as.hroc, afr.hrokk that likely led to Frack through French (cf. Kluge 2011, online, under Frack). Also nndl.rok." (Kluge 2011, online, under Rock).
This also explains the juxtaposition of eng. horse and deu. Ross g.*hrussa (cf. Kluge 2011, under Ross) and deu. röcheln and nisl.hrygla 'rattling throat', lav. kraũkât 'to cough, to cough up sputum' ine. *kruk- 'to snore, to wheeze, to grunt' (cf. Kluge 2011, under röcheln and the like).
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
The base type *crassia 'fat' is the collective noun to the Latin adjective crassius 'thick, fat', a variant of the Classical Latin form crassus (cf. DELI 2: 517). From the 3rd century onwards, this variant displaced pinguis, which was originally used throughout Romania, and yet is well preserved in the VerbaAlpina area (cf. lmo. pench 'buttermilk' or roh. paintg 'butter' (cf. pinguĕ(m)). The anlaut of the forms preserved in Romanic (gr-) may have been influenced by Latin grossus 'thick', which is not attested in Classical Latin (cf. FEW, 2, 1277-1286, under crassus and Georges under grossus). However, similar sonorisations are also found elsewhere (cf., e.g, crama).
In the Alpine region, this base type occasionally yielded terms for RAHM, i.e. the fatty part of the milk.
Cortelazzo, Manlio/ Zolli, Paolo (1979): Dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana, Bologna, Zanichelli
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type goes back to Latin crŭsta 'crust', a variant of the classical form with [uː] (cf. Georges, under crūsta) and denotes the hard, dry surface of an otherwise soft body. In Latin it denotes, among other things, the crust of bread. The transfer to the rind of cheese is obvious. However, it is not verifiable in Classical Latin, but must have taken place later.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
The evidence shows that, in the study area, the word forms for the morpho-lexical type Eimer stand for 'vessel for milking', while the BUCKET is called Kübel (gem.).
Besides the German-language records, cognates are also found in Slovenian dialects, mainly with the meaning 'bucket', e.g., ajmar or ajmarelj, ejmpar, jempa, lambar and lempa (cf. the map Bucket). Related word forms are found throughout the eastern Alpine region, especially as loan words in Slovenian dialects. The phonetic realisation as /empar/ in particular, which can be deduced from the records of the SLA, shows the transfer of the word type via Bavarian, where Empa is also being used. The dictionaries (cf. DWB: under Eimer; EWBD: under Eimer) see the ahd. eimbar (cf. AWB: under Eimer) as a derivative from the Latin amphora, which in turn was borrowed from the Gr. ἀμφορεύς (amphoreús) (cf. Kluge: under Eimer).
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
Karg-Gasterstädt, Elisabeth / Frings, Theodor (1952-): Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch. Auf Grund der von Elias v. Steinmeyer hinterlassenen Sammlungen im Auftrag der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Lepzig
This base type corresponds to the feminine form excŏcta – the passive past participle of lat. excoquere 'to decoct'. This is a compound form from lat. coquere 'to cook' and the prefix ex- (cf. DELI 5,1167). It is common in Northern Italy (cf. FEW 3, 278, under *excocta and ita. Treccani under scotta 2). It is not clear why the type was marked as reconstructed by the FEW and REW since the lat. verb excoquere 'decoct' is well documented vgl. Georges, s.v. excoquo). The German forms of this base type, just like Slovenian skuta, represent the Roman substrate words in the Alpine milk processing sector in an almost prototypical manner. Earlier approaches that suggest a derivation from Old High German scotto from Ger. schottlen/schütt(l)en with subsequent borrowing into Romansh must be discarded. Forms as Lombard scoččia [skotʃa] can only be related to the etymon excocta with the connecting and not Old High German scotto. Thus, we must assume the reverse and ascribe the Old High German word to a borrowing from Romansh (cf. early comments to this effect in Idiotikon VIII, 1563, under Schotten as well as EWD, II, 200).
It should, however, be noted that two phonetic types exist in Ladin:
(a) with an initial [ʃk-] (cf. [ʃkota] in Livinallongo as well as Friaul);
(b) with an initial [tʃ-] (cf. [tʃot(e)] in the remaining Sella region of Ladinia).
romanisch
deutsch.
slowenisch
z.B. valdost. (é)couette
ita. scotta
lad. tʃot(e) ←
← Adstrat
dial. Schotte(n)
dial. skuta
↑
↑
↑ Substrat ↑
↑ Substrat ↑
lat. excocta
This base type is remarkable with regard to semantics because it offers a characteristic example of metonymical polysemy. It denotes the two products that result when the milk is heated or decocted (lat. EXCOQUERE) during coagulation, which are fluid on the one hand and matter, or whey cheese, and the surging protein particles on the other hand (cf. VALTS IV, 204).
Cortelazzo, Manlio/ Zolli, Paolo (1979): Dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana, Bologna, Zanichelli
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type goes back to the Latin past participle passive exsūctus 'sucked out' (cf. Georges, under exsugo and FEW 3, 324f., under exsuctus) and belongs to the succeeding Romance words 'dry' (ita. asciutto, pms. sü(i)t, roh. (Engadine) süt, cat. aixut, spa. enjuto, por. enxuto) and 'lean' (ron. supt). For VerbaAlpina, some Friulian records with the meaning CHEESE are relevant.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type is very interesting due to its broad polysemy. It is based on the Latin etymon flōs, whose basic meanings 'flower' and 'blossom' are metonymically related and have given rise to numerous metaphorical and further metonymic meanings.
Derived from 'blossom', flōs often denotes THE BEST, MOST BEAUTIFUL PART OF A THING, as in Latin flos aetatis 'the blossom of years, youthful vigour, fullness of youth' (cf. Georges, under flōs), an expression which has been preserved in Romance languages (as in fra. la fleur de l'âge 'the youth'; cf. FEW, 3, 630-638, under flōs). Similarly motivated are fra. fleur de la farine 'la partie la plus fine de la farine', ita. fior della farina, Engadine flur d'farina or gsw. (Swiss German) Blume (cf. FEW, loc. cit.). Meanings having to do with the SURFACE, the HIGHEST POINT of things, as in fro., frm. à fleur de 'à la surface, au niveau de', can be explained as originating from blossom.
Both semantic dimensions ('good' and 'on top') may mutually motivate the designation of the concept CREAM, which already developed in Latin (flos lactis 'cream') and is still well documented in the study area today (cf. also ita. fior di latte 'cream'). Consequently, verbs such as fra. défleurer or Neo-Occitan sanflurá, sonflurá 'to skim' can be easily interpreted (cf. FEW, loc. cit.).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
The base type formaticu(m) ist derived from lat. forma 'shape, vessel'. It stems from Gallic and was initially only used as an adjective related to cāseus 'cheese'. Taken together, they resulted in a term for moulded hard cheese. During its further development, the noun cāseus was dropped while the adjective formaticum underwent nominalisation. The first records of this can be found in a Northern French glossary from the 8th century. Furthermore, the Middle Breton fourondec indicates its old age since it suggests a borrowing before the shift from -aticu to -age. Besides the suffix change, a metathesis can also be observed in the Old French, Middle French and New French forms. Old French knows the form formage 'substance alimentaire qu'on obtient en faisant subir diverses préparations au lait caillé; masse de cette substance moulée en pain'. Then, in Middle French, two forms coexist: On the one hand, there are records of fourmage. On the other hand, the version froumage exists. The metathesis is completely realised in the New French form fromage. Originating from the Gallo-Roman language area, it became a loanword in numerous other Romanic languages. Thus, ita. em>formaggio, pms. furmágg, lmo. formai or vec. formagio (cf. FEW 3, 717-719 under formaticum) can be found all across the northern Italian area. In Dolomitic Ladin, the type formaticum has almost completely replaced the type cāseus. The type cāseus is only still used in Val Badia and Val Gardena in the forms ćiajó and ćiaujel (both of which stem from the suffixed caseolus) as the AIS map 1217 and the EWD (II, 126) show. The shift of the base type formaticu(m) can be nicely explained by linking word and object, as in this case, the word was evidently motivated by a new method of production in which the cheese is left to ripen in a mould.
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
This morpho-lexical type appears on the AIS map 313 ("L'AUTUNNO", AUTUMN in the Belluno Ponte nelle Alpi (P. 336)). Among the reference dictionaries, the Treccani dictionary is the only one that lists this type. However, this form does not refer to AUTUMN in general, but rather to the expression used by Venetian fishermen to refer to the specific autumn period when fish retreat from the lagoon to the open sea.
Other dictionaries indicate that the type is found not only in the south of the Veneto and in Ponte nelle Alpi, but also in other varieties in the province of Belluno, especially in Agordino. It occurs in Zoldo Valley as well, this time in the meaning of 'autumn' (cf. Rossi 1992, 314, under fardìma; Pallabazzer 1989, 189, under ferdíma). It is interesting to note that this form extends only as far as the territory of the so-called Sellaladinia and does not cross its boundaries (cf. Blad under auton).
This morpho-lexical type belongs to the base type lat. frigĭdus ('cold') (FEW 3, 797 under frigĭdus).
Giovanni Battista Rossi (1992): Vocabolario dei dialetti ladini e ladino-veneti dell'Agordino. Lessico di Cencenighe - San Tomaso - Vallada - Canale d'Agordo - Falcade - Taibon - Agordo - La Valle - Voltago - Frassenè - Rivamonte - Gosaldo. Con note etnografiche-demologiche., Belluno, Istituto Bellunese di Ricerche Sociali e Culturali
Pallabazzer, Vito (1989): Lingua e Cultura Ladina. Lessico e onomastica di: Laste - Rocca Pietore - Colle Santa Lucia - Selva di Cadore - Alleghe, Belluno, Istituto Bellunese di Ricerche Sociali e Culturali
Istitut Cultural Ladin: Banca lessicala ladina, Vigo di Fassa
In today's standard language, the morpho-lexical type Gaden still denotes a house consisting of only one room or a chamber in various regions. In addition, it also exists as a technical term from the field of architecture for the window area of a basilica (cf. place name Steingaden (in the Upper Bavarian district of Weilheim-Schongau).
The word is attested as a neuter since Old High German times as gadum or gadem. A connection with words of other Indo-European languages is established via a word for 'let' or 'release', for Germanic *ǵhə-t-mo- ‛free space, empty room' is assumed (cf. Kluge 2011, online under Gaden). In Danish, gade means 'street' (Duden under Gaden). In the VerbaAlpina area, the word is mostly bound in compounds, especially frequently in the Alemannic dialects of Switzerland, where it denotes a single room (milk room, cattle shed on the alpine pasture, hay room in the alpine barn) (cf. Idiotikon under gădem), while, especially in South Tyrol, it refers to a barn. In Northern Tyrol, on the other hand, forms based on Stadel are generally used; cf. also 'Ore', i.e., the open space between houses. Gaden or Gadem was already considered obsolete in the 19th century, as shown by a glance at Grimms' dictionary. At that time, the word was still present as both a neuter and a masculine (cf. DWB under Gadem).
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
Gepse/Gebse denotes a round, wooden vessel used to store milk (cf. Idiotikon under Geps(e), DWB under Gepse). The word is mainly used in Alemannic dialects, predominantly with the meaning 'vessel for skimming' and 'creaming vessel' (cf. the map Gepse). There is also little evidence for 'vessel for milking', 'vessel for moulding cheese' and 'vessel for scooping milk'. The Idiotikon also refers to the basic meanings 'vessel for storing milk' or 'vessel for making cheese' (cf. Idiotikon under Geps(e)). The lexeme corresponds to the ahd. gebita, gebiza, which overall stood for 'vessel/bowl/bowl'. It goes back to Latin gabata (cf. AWB, under Gebita).
Karg-Gasterstädt, Elisabeth / Frings, Theodor (1952-): Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch. Auf Grund der von Elias v. Steinmeyer hinterlassenen Sammlungen im Auftrag der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Lepzig
This Slavic base type is already attested in the same form in Old Church Slavonic (cf. Cyrillomethodiana, under гѹмьно). In today's Slavic standard languages, its reflexes are found in hbs. gúmno 'place for threshing grain', rus. gumnó 'ground for threshing grain', ces. humno 'hardened ground in the barn for threshing grain', pol. gumno 'building where grain is stored before threshing; part of the barn, hard ground on which grain is threshed; farm with an economic building'. In Proto-Slavic, the word *gumьnȍ is said to have had the meaning 'room where grain is threshed'. The base type is derived from the ine. root *gu̯ou̯- 'cattle' and *menH- 'to tread, stamp, dawdle'. Hence, Proto-Slavic *gumьnȍ meant 'space where grain is trampled by cattle' (cf. SNOJ, under gúmno).
(auct. Aleksander Wiatr – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
Apart from the word type Beil (gem.) in the west, in the east of the German-speaking study area, crowd documents of the type Hacke form the majority of the designation of the concept AXE. It is interesting to note that these are probably distributed dialect-specifically. The AXE is represented in the Alemannic part by records of the lexical type Beil, while the type Hacke (gem.) is found in the Bavarian part of the survey area. In the Tyrolean town of Galtür, a place located at the border from German to Romanic which lies between the Bavarian and Alemannic study areas, both types can even be found.
According to Kluge, Hacke is the instrumental form of the verb hacken (cf. Kluge under Hacke). The type is restricted to the West Germanic languages (ahd. hackōn, mnd. hakken, mhd./mnl. hacken, nl. hakken, aengl. -haccian, eng. to hack) (cf. DWDS under hacken). Hacke as a designation of the concept HEEL is missing in Upper German as well as in Middle High German, possibly because the term Ferse is used there.
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Hrsg.) (2004-): Das Digitale Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin
This Slavonic type with the root meaning 'house' has a Pan-Slavonic range cf. e.g.: kro čak.hȋša ‛HOUSE', tsch.chýše ‛House, Hut'. It is a loanword from Germanic which belongs to the base type hûs (cf. SNOJ, under híša). In the Alpine context, the type also denotes more specific concepts, such as FARM, ATTIC, KITCHEN, BED ROOM and, in adjectival compounds, BARN (cf. the map).
(auct. Aleksander Wiatr – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
Cf. the Old High German records. It is not surprising in terms of cultural history, but nevertheless revealing, that this type does not seem to have been borrowed into Romance languages at all, since the acculturation of construction techniques took place quite predominantly in the opposite direction (cf. Krefeld 2018d, 3° esempio).
Krefeld, Thomas (2018): VerbaAlpina – un progetto di geolinguistica plurilingue, online
This base type goes back to Latin iŭncus 'rush'. It is further represented in many Romance languages, such as ita. giunco, pms. gionch, cat. jonc, spa., por. junco and fra. jonc 'rush'. From Middle French onwards, expressions to designate the utensil made of rushes in which soft cheese was prepared can be found, including jonchiere 'petit panier en jonc pour la preparation du fromage mou' and jonchée 'panier en jonc pour la préparation du fromage mou'. Jonchée is, however, also known to denote 'fromage préparé dans un petit panier' (cf. FEW , 5, 65-67, under jŭncus). Ita. giuncata also has this meaning (cf. Treccani, under giuncata). The semantic change can be explained by the metonymic connection between word and thing. Various devices are used to mould whey cheese or cheese, including baskets, which are often woven from rushes. The cheese mass is poured into these baskets and placed on a dripping board so that the excess liquid can then be squeezed out by hand (cf. Scheuermeier 1943: 41). Incidentally, baskets with this purpose are already mentioned in the Polyphemus episode in the Odyssey (ταρσοί [Book 9, 219] and πλεκτοὶ τάλαροι [Book 9, 247]).
Jauche meaning 'malodorous liquid, liquid manure, dung water' is predominantly used in the Bavarian dialect area in the form Jauchn as well as Jauche. The word has its origin in the gmh. Jus/Juche as 'broth, soup' (cf. DWB, under Jauche).
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
In Standard Slovenian, kájža describes a SMALL HOUSE or a SIMPLE HOUSE (cf. SSKJ). Within the research area, this type represents concepts such as HOUSE, DILAPIDATED or FARM HOUSE (cf. the map of kájža). The second meaning of the type initially occurred in the 16th century. In the DWB, Keische can be found with the same meaning and a note mentioning its distribution from Tyrol to Carinthia as well as Carniola and Lower Austria. Its etymology is unclear. It is assumed to have been an old loanword from Slavic into German which was later, during the period of Germanisation, borrowed back into Slavic (cf. ESSJ I: under hiša).
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
In the German-speaking dialects of the Alpine region, the word Kessel refers to various types of vessels associated with milk processing. Thus, Kessel can mean a vessel for making cheese, but also, a vessel used for collecting milk in general. It seems that, like in standard language, kettle refers to a vessel made of metal, since among the attested terms for the concept terms belonging to the lemma Eimer or Kessel can be found. A VESSEL FOR MAKING CHEESE, however, is never designated by any form of Eimer, since a refractory material is necessary for heating the milk.
The nhd. Kessel can be traced back to the diminutive of the Latin catinus (cf. Georges under catīllus), which is catīllus. The borrowing from Latin must have taken place early because katil(s) is already attested in Gothic (cf. Wulfila, Mk 7, 4) as a designation for a metal vessel, as well as in many other Germanic languages (cf. DWB under Kessel; DWDS under Kessel; Kluge under Kessel).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This Slavic base type is attested in Old Church Slavonic texts since the 16th century. In the VerbaAlpina data, it is mainly associated with morpho-lexical types denoting GOAT, the 'herd of goats' or the 'goatherd'. The type goes back to ide. *kag'ah2 (or *kog'ah2). It is related to got. hakuls 'coat' (since coats were made of goatskin), dum. hoekjin 'little billy goat' (cf. SNOJ, s.v. koza).
(auct. Aleksander Wiatr – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
A kreister is a simple sleeping place in an Alpine building. This word type is not found in any of the language atlases of the German-speaking Alpine region (BSA, SAO, SDS, TSA). Only Schmeller (cf. kreisten) mentions it and expresses a thought in which this meaning comes to light: "Whether here or where the Kreister belongs, which in the Alps between the Inn and the Isar is understood to mean the dairymaid's bed of hay in an Alpine hut, I cannot decide." Otherwise, one only finds the meaning 'groaning from exertion' under the keyword kreisten in the dictionaries (cf. TId kreisten; DWB kreisten). It is thus also unclear whether this word is related to deu. kreischen and kreißen.
A derivation from Latin crista, which primarily means 'comb of the cock', would be conceivable. The etymology, which seems obscure at first glance, gains substance when one considers that words meaning 'cream' or 'mountain crest' are also derived from it (cf. ita. cresta, fra. crète), which could all have the semantic feature 'above' in common. In simple Alpine dwellings, chests in which utensils were stored often served as sleeping places.
König, Werner (2009): Bayerischer Sprachatlas, München, Winter
Adalbert-Stifter-Institut des Landes Oberösterreich (Hrsg.) (1998ff.): Sprachatlas von Oberösterreich
Baumgartner, Heinrich/ Handschuh, Doris/ Hotzenköcherle, Rudolf (1962-2003): Sprachatlas der Deutschen Schweiz, Bern, vol. 1-9, Francke
Klein, Karl Kurt/ Kühebacher, Egon/ Schmitt, Ludwig Erich (1965, 1969, 1971): Tirolischer Sprachatlas, vol. 1-3, Innsbruck, Tyrolia-Verl. [u.a.]
Sprachatlas von Oberösterreich
Sprachatlas der deutschen Schweiz
(auct. Markus Kunzmann – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
In Upper German dialects, Kübel is the common name for larger vessels intended primarily for the transport of liquids. It occurs both as a simplex meaning 'bucket', but is also part of numerous compounds denoting the BUTTER CHURN.
The word is attested in Old High German as kubilo since the 10th century (cf. AWB: under kubilo). Especially in the wine-growing areas of the southern edge of the Alps, Latin cūpa was used to designate a large wooden vessel. From Upper Italy, the word then reached Upper German (cf. trent. ku'ej 'milking pail'). The original form, according to EWBD, (under bucket) is Old Provençal cubel 'small vat' with attested derivatives such as cubelot or Middle Latin cubellus (cf. FEW2, 1550 under cūpa). All go back to Latin cūpella, which Kluge also names as etymon (cf. Kluge: under bucket). Derivates of Kübel are found throughout the Eastern Alps (cf. the map Kübel), however, the alternative via the Old Prov., proposed by EWBD, seems unnecessarily complicated.
Karg-Gasterstädt, Elisabeth / Frings, Theodor (1952-): Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch. Auf Grund der von Elias v. Steinmeyer hinterlassenen Sammlungen im Auftrag der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Lepzig
In the German-speaking Alpine region, Kuh represents the sole designation type for the concept FEMALE BOVINE ANIMAL. In goh. it is documented as kuo since the 8th century and also occurs in gmh. in an almost unchanged form (cf. DWB under Kuh). The word is probably onomatopoeic (cf. DWDS under Kuh) since the stem on which it is based is also found in other Indo-European languages (gr. βοῦςf./m. ; air. bó; Kymr. bu, buw, buyn) and furthermore has echoes in other language families (cf. Kluge under cow).
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
This base type is derived from Lat. lac 'milk', which corresponds to Gr. γάλα (n.) or γλάγος (n; primarily poetic, preference likely due to metrics, as documented in Homer Il. II 471 or Pindar AGr. 106) (cf. Georges 2, 525 under lac). Later, the gender changed from neuter to masculine which resulted in Lat. lăcte(m) (acc. of lac [n.] = lac!). Lat. lacte(m) (masculine gender) was largely retained as an inherited word in Romanesque languages, which led to Fr. lait, Ita. làtte, Friulan lait, Piedmontese lait and the Dolomite Ladin type làt as well (cf. FEW 5, 114 under làt; cf. EWD 4, 177; cf. DELI 3, 655). The inherited masculine word is less common than the feminine in VerbaAlpina's research area, like, for example, the Venetic late (cf. DéROM under */'lakt-e/). Beyond the Alpine region, the feminine type can mainly be found in southern France and northern Spain (cf. DéROM loc. cit.). In some areas of the Alps, like Switzerland and Savoy, the word for milk is derived from Lat. *lacticellum, which is a diminutive form of lăcte(m) (cf. FEW 5, 114). Ita. latticèllo 'buttermilk' can be traced back to this as well (cf. DELI 3, 655). Furthermore, some terms that designate WHEY stem from this base type. Derivations with the suffix -ata, which constitutes a collective noun, served this purpose. However, based on the notion that the whey emitted during cheese production is not as rich a milk, diminutives can also often be found in this case. This led to the French expression petit-lait as the term for WHEY, which literally means 'small milk'. The preceding adjective petit 'small' conveys the same concept as a diminutive (cf. FEW 5: 114).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type is already attested in Church Slavonic. In today's Slavic languages, it is only found in Slovenian and Serbo-Croatian: slv. lonec 'cooking pot'; hrv., srb. lònac 'cooking pot' (cf. SNOJ, under lonec). The etymology is unclear. According to ESSJ (II: 149), this type is either related to the grc. ληνός 'wooden trough' or the lat. lanx and grc. λεκίς, λεκάνη 'bowl'.
Snoj, Marko (2015): Slovenski etimološki slovar, Tretja izdaja, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU
From the Latin base type māceria ('clay wall, enclosure of a garden or vineyard'; Georges under māceria), mainly two morpho-lexical types developed in VerbaAlpina's research area: For one thing, ita. maceria (Treccani under macèria) as well as the Veneto regional variant Treccani under maṡièra evolved. For another thing, the morpho-lexical type majarei developed through the suffix -etum. Both types denote the concept MOUNTAIN SLOPE, STEEP, COVERED IN SCREE.
These two morpho-lexical types are mainly established in the Italian Eastern Alps (see the map on māceria) where the base type briefly commented on here could also emerge as an anthroponym and as a toponym (cf. Pallabazzer 1972, 71). Some examples are located on this map (this list is not exhaustive).
As a family name, Masarei (māceria + suffix -etum) lives on, especially in the Dolomites and particularly in Livinallongo del Col di Lana and Colle Santa Lucia.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
Despite the methodologically purely expression-based creation of morpho-lexical types, the common type Mahd refers to the Duden entry Mahd, die meaning 'mowing, mown grass, grass harvest'. Although no noun exists in German without a gender, most crowd data and some evidence from traditional sources are nevertheless those for which no grammatical gender is given. The feminine Mahd is opposed by a neuter meaning 'mountain meadow' (cf. Duden under Mahd). Despite the purely formal typification, it is necessary to assign the crowd evidence to an appropriate morpho-lexical type, taking into account which concept the crowders have provided evidence for, e.g., the concept GRASS HARVEST (cf. the map GRASS HARVEST).
According to the AIS map 426a, 315, the morpho-lexical type commented on below is attested in Arabba (municipality of Livinallongo del Col di Lana). This is a designation for the concept GLACIER. The word is also listed in Blad under marmolada with the same meaning.
The Marmolata, at 3343 metres a.s.l., is the highest mountain in the Dolomites. Its northern face is covered by a glacier that used to reach almost as far as the Fedaia Pass (2057 metres a.s.l.), but is nowadays confined to the uppermost part of the mountain.
It can also be found in Tagliavini 1934 (202) as well as in Pult 1947 (41) where the word marmolada, meaning 'glacier', is given for the dialect from Livinallongo del Col di Lana. Consequently, the word would primarily designate the above-mentioned Dolomite peak, while the meaning 'glacier' could be the result of a metonymic process. Here, however, the following remark should be made: the Marmolata is a most impressive mountain, situated between the municipal areas of Livinallongo, Canazei, Rocca Pietore and Falcade. Accordingly, one could expect the same word or variants of it in the neighbouring idioms (at least in Canazei, since Rocca Pietore and Falcade do not represent AIS survey points). However, the type marmolada is only recorded as 'glacier' in Arabba on the AIS map. In Penia near Canazei (p. 313), /ˈʤaʧɐ/ and /ʤaʧˈoŋ/ (i.e. the morpho-lexical type glace (also with the suffix -on) (roa. f.) are attested, while in the slightly eastern Zuel near Cortina d'Ampezzo (p. 316), /ˈʒatso/ (morpho-lexical type ghiaccio roa. m.) appears.
Despite the record with the meaning in the relevant literature listed above, it appears from our own surveys in Livinallongo del Col di Lana that Marmolada is only known as the name of the mountain in this area. Unfortunately, Crowdsourcing does not at the moment provide any evidence for the municipality of Livinallongo and the concept GLACIER. Nevertheless, the people who were interviewed are all native speakers of the dialect in question. It therefore seems justified to raise the question of the legitimacy of the linguistic record marmolada. With respect to this, it is possible to hypothesise that the word marmolada attested in the AIS is the result of a misunderstanding that arose in the course of data collection: while the researcher wanted to know which word was used for GLACIER in the dialect, the informant may have mistakenly given the name of the mountain. The commentaries in Tagliavini 1934 and Pult 1947, as well as Masarei's dictionary entry (Blad), might also have been written based on this very questionable AIS record (Volume III, 1930). On the other hand, one could also assume that the word was still common for GLACIER at the beginning of the 20th century when the AIS surveys were carried out, but is no longer known today. Among the people we interviewed were speakers of an older age who also claimed never to have heard or used the word marmolada as meaning 'glacier'. The first hypothesis therefore seems more plausible.
Istitut Cultural Ladin: Banca lessicala ladina, Vigo di Fassa
The morpho-lexical type Mist appears throughout the Alemannic and Bavarian Alpine regions. The basic meaning is 'manure' in the sense of 'excrement mixed with straw or hay' (cf. Duden under Mist) or 'cow dung'. The linguistic atlases (cf. Idiotikon under Mist, DWB under Mist) offer a broader range of meanings: Mist has not only the meanings 'cow dung', but also 'human as well as animal excrement', 'decaying/rotting', 'manure' and 'dung heap'. The present lexeme Mist has equivalents in ags. meohx/meox for 'refuse, rubble' (cf.DWB under dung) and in Gothic.
The morpho-lexical type muaglia, which is particularly widespread in Grisons and neighbouring Lombardy, denotes either the individual cow or the herd of cows, whereby, for example, the existence of a "Societad d'allevamaint da muaglia bovina" in Celerina/Schlarigna (near St. Moritz) indicates that this does not specifically mean a HERD OF COWS, but a (FARM) ANIMAL HERD in general.
The fact that muaglia denotes not only the individual, but also the collective, and furthermore not only the *COW*HERD, rules out a connection with Latin mulgēre, TO MILK. Rather, a connection with Latin mōbilia (n. pl.) has been established (FEW6, 3: 1 under mobilis]) which seems plausible. The term thus refers to the mobility of the livestock and should be understood as a complement to the immovable property. The word muvel (m.) (roa.) found in the Lower Engadine, which designates the LIVESTOCK, can also be traced back to Latin mōbilis (FEW loc. cit.).
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
According to the Treccani, the morpho-lexical type mucca (roa. fem.), which exclusively denotes the MILK-GIVING COW (DAIRY COW), originated in Tuscany, but is now widespread throughout Italy. For the origin of the word, the Treccani suggests the Swiss German word mugg, which originally denoted the cows sold at the fair of (Tommaseo/Bellini, under mucca). The Swiss German word is apparently related to the verb muggen, which, among other things, refers to the MOOING of the cow (Idiotikon under mugge[n]).
The cattle market of Lugano (the so-called "Fiera Grossa"), which took place every October from 1513 until the early 20th century, supplied all of northern Italy with cattle from central and eastern Switzerland as well as the neighbouring Austria (see HLS under Lugano [3 – Neuzeit]). It is quite possible that Tuscan farmers also frequented the cattle market in Lugano (see Tommaseo/Bellini loc. cit.). Consequently, it is indeed conceivable that a Tuscan word developed from a Swiss-German term that appeared in Ticino. It is also possible, however, that mucca represents a syncretism of vacca and mungere, 'to milk' (see Hall 1940; cf. also Tommaseo/Bellini, loc. cit.). The grc. word Μυκάω 'mungere' also given by Tommaseo/Bellini loc. cit. as a possible origin of mucca is not attested in the LSJ. The medial form μῡκάομαι recorded there means 'to roar, to drone' and thus is not semantically related to MUNGERE/TO MILK.
Niccolò Tommaseo / Bernardo Bellini (1861-1879): Dizionario della lingua italiana, Torino, Unione Tipogr.-ed.Torinese
Hall, Richard Andrew (1940): Tuscan mucca, Umbr. and March. mungana, milch-cow, in: Language. Journal of the Linguistik Society of America, vol. 16, 53
(1940): A Greek-English Lexicon. revised and augmented throughout by. Sir Henry Stuart Jones. with the assistance of. Roderick McKenzie, Oxford, Clarendon
This base type goes back to Latin mŭlgēre 'milk' (cf. also grc. ἀμέλγω, where the initial alpha is obviously to be interpreted as a prefix, although its motivation remains unclear for now). The Romance equivalents such as ita. mungere (cf. Treccani, under mungere) or lld. mùje (cf. EWD IV, 488), however, presuppose conjugation change to mŭlgĕre and a shift from -l- to -n-.
A connection with Malga is logical semantically, but phonetically problematic because of the differing sound vowel. According to Kluge, 614 lat. mulgere, like deu. milk and grc. ἀμέλγειν, goes back to ine. *melǵ- 'to milk'.
Like muaglia (f.) (roa.) 'herd of cattle, cow', which is equally common in the Engadine and the bordering parts of Lombardy, the morpho-lexical type muvel goes back to Latin mobilis. The motivation behind this etymology is nicely visible, as cattle are mobile chattels.
This base type is prevalent in the Alemannic of German-speaking Switzerland (cf. Nidel 'cream, cream layer on top of boiled milk'; cf. Idiotikon under Nidel) and Ladin (nìda 'butter milk' (cf. EWD V: 49–50; cf. Blad under nìda). The assumption that the term was borrowed from German into Romansh seems hardly plausible. Rather, a pre-Latin *nīta should be considered (cf. Jud 1924: 201–203).
Jud, Jakob (1924): Zu einigen vorromanischen Ausdrücken der Sennesprache, Berlin, in: Zeitschrift für Deutsche Mundarten, vol. 19, Allgem. Dt. Sprachverein, 199-209
The lexeme Odel meaning 'slurry, liquid manure, dung manure' is found for the Bavarian-speaking Alpine region in the forms Odl, Otl, Atl or Ol. In the DWB, the morpho-lexical type is written as Adel, whereas in the Duden as well as in the BWB, the type Odel is given with the same meaning ('manure') (cf. DWB under Adel, Duden under Odel, BWB under Odel). Although the etymology of the word remains unclear, there are similarities in rural Swedish, where the verb adla/ala means 'to urinate', as well as in Romanian ud 'urine' (cf. DWB under Adel). However, the English verb to addle in the sense of 'to become lazy/corrupt' could point to a common Germanic origin.
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
This base type goes back to the lat. designation of the concept CLOTH (cf. Georges under pānnus), which has also been preserved in Italian (cf. Treccani under panno). The development of the meaning 'skin, layer that forms on the surface of a liquid when it cools down or is left exposed to air' is easily traceable. This also explains ita. panna, fur. pane 'cream', as the cream settles on the milk like a blanket when left sitting (cf. DELI 4: 871, Treccani under panna with the verbal derivative pannare 'to settle cream'). A similarly motivated metaphor can be found in the case of tēla.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This morpho-lexical type comprises two phonetic types, [p'astor] and [past'ore], which are widespread throughout the Romanic language area and are based on an identical base type pāstor (cf. Georges under pāstor). The original meaning 'shepherd, herdsman' is preserved, with a possible extension of the meaning to 'dairyman'. The differentiation into two phonetic types is related to case formation. The form [p'astor] has its origin in the nominative case, while the second [past'ore] is a derivative from the accusative case (Latin pāstorem). The adoption of nominative forms is not uncommon in personal names (Skytte 1998: 48). In some areas, both phonetic types coexist in semantic differentiation (cf. FEW 7, 760).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type corresponds to an adjectival derivation (cf. Georges under pellīceus) of the Latin noun pĕllis 'skin, fur, pelt'. The metaphorical meaning 'cream; layer of cream on boiled milk' is of similar origin as *nīta 'cloth' or pannus 'tissue', which have developed quite similarly semantically. Moreover, extended forms of the Latin root pĕllis have occasionally also taken on the meaning of 'cream' (cf. pĕllis) within VA's research area.
Note that the Alemannic forms are consistently masculine, while the Romansh pleʧɑ 'cream' (in Val Müstair in Grisons) is feminine and thus similar to the fra. pelisse and ita. pelliccia 'fur' (cf. FEW, 8, 162–164, under pĕllīceus). The Alemannic forms therefore seem to be secondary developments of a loanword of the German type Pelz that had already been adapted in gender. (It, of course, ultimately goes back to Latin pĕllīceus; cf. Kluge, 692 and AWB, under pelliz.) These forms are thus not relics from their local Romanic substrate, which, in terms of gender, would have to correspond more to the feminine pleʧɑ mentioned above.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
Karg-Gasterstädt, Elisabeth / Frings, Theodor (1952-): Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch. Auf Grund der von Elias v. Steinmeyer hinterlassenen Sammlungen im Auftrag der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Lepzig
This word goes back to the Latin name for FUR or ANIMAL SKIN (cf. Georges under pĕllis). In later Latin, its meaning was then extended to the human skin, which the Romance languages have continued, such as ron. games, spa. game, ita. pelle, por. pelle or fra. peau. Further, the Romance type denotes thin, flexible peels of fruit, vegetables, plants, etc. (cf. FEW 8, 164-172, under pĕllis). The metaphorical transfer to the cream layer, although only sporadically documented on the VerbaAlpina map, is quite logical (cf. the semantically similarly motivated types pellīcia, *nīta and pannus).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type goes back to the lat. accusative form pĭnguem 'fat' (cf. Georges under pinguis ), which has been preserved in Romansh, especially in Engadine painch 'butter' (cf. HWdR, 589, under pieun 'butter'). From an onomasiological standpoint, the specification from 'fat' to 'butter' can be easily be explained: In the areas where oil traditionally was not – or more precisely – could not be produced, BUTTER was simply used as FAT. Oil was not common in the local traditional cuisine, whereas the use of oil instead of butter was dominant in central and southern Italian cuisine (cf. Scheuermeier 1943: 28).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
The concept , especially the so-called PLUNGER BUTTER CHURN, is referred to by numerous geosynonyms.
Some names have such striking phonetic similarity in the stem that their connection is hardly questionable:
(1) roa. pigna, with the tonal vowel variants [ɪ, e, ɛ, a], etc.;
(2) sla. pinja, an obvious romanism as its area of distribution is contiguous with that of (1);
(3) roa. pinacc, which is a suffixed form of (1);
(4) roa. panaglia (with variants of the initial unstressed stem vowel, corresponding to those mentioned in (1)). This type is dominated by variants with the unstressed stem vowel [a]
.
(5) The type pignatta 'pot', also known in Standardita., can be assigned to (1) along with its frequently masculine dialectal variant (cf. AIS 973), too. Although it is more commonly documented with the meaning 'pot of terracotta' (cf. AIS 955) within the VA area, outside of it, namely in Emilia-Romagna, it explicitly denotes a pot in which smaller quantities of butter are churned by beating (with a wooden spoon, etc.) (cf. the legend in AIS, Karte 1206, Type C).
Morphologically and semantically, it is thus logical to think of a designation for a vessel pigna as a base type. The type of designation – VESSEL FOR CHURNING – also speaks for such a base type as a term for the general concept:
latte di pigna BUTTERMILK, literally 'milk from the churn' (in Trentino).
Of factual interest is that the PLUNGER BUTTER CHURN, which appears archaic, is not the oldest technique, as its specified Romansh designations panaglia lunga, literally 'long butter churn', and panaglia dret sü, literally 'upright butter churn' (Lower Engadine), show (cf. AIS 1206).
However, the origin proposed for ita. pignatta to ita. pigna 'pine cone' (< lat. *pīnea[m]) – "prob. [...] per la somiglianza di forma delle più antiche pignatte con una pigna" – is not convincing semantically. It is true that the conical shape of some terracotta and bronze pots may be reminiscent of pine cones (cf. DELI) but a historical reference to the subject that is decisive for the history of the word can be taken from the AIS map mentioned above 955 LA PENTOLA (PIGNATTA) DI TERRACOTTA. In fact, it also contains a list of names for BRONZE POTS (AIS 955_2), some of which have been transferred to it secondarily, especially in the Alpine area, since they go back to a completely different material used to make cooking pots, namely the so-called soapstone, ita. steatite, laveggio, deu. also Lavetz(stein) (cf. the commentary on AIS map 963, LA MARMITTA as well as AIS 970 IL VASO PER LO STRUTTO). This versatile material, which was comparatively easy to use because of its rather soft surface was mined mainly in the Ticino and Lombard mountains and was also used to make other objects, such as stoves, which in Romansh are also called pegna, (Engadine) pigna (HWdR, 571; LRC, 798; on pigna, pegna 'oven of soapstone' cf. the commentary on AIS 937. These ovens, incidentally, are 'nearly cubic' (AIS 937, commentary)) and do not bear the slightest resemblance to a pine cone.
Consequently, this is a clear case of metonymic polysemy (rather than homonymy). Pigna 'stove' and pigna 'vessel for churning butter' are named after the material from which both were made: soapstone. However, it is not strictly necessary to assume a pre-Roman etymon, as Alexi Decurtins suggests in LRC, 798) for Romansh pegna | pigna 'oven'. Formally, the etymology could well be that proposed by G. B. Pellegrini *pinguia (Latin pĭnguis 'fat') – but not elliptically from pinguia(m) (ollam) in the sense of a 'vessel (= Lat. olla) for fat' ("Recipiente particolare per conservare il grasso, fosse esso strutto, sugna, o burro cotto, oppure un arnese elementare per fare il burro" ([1976, p. 171 cit. DELI 928]), but in the sense of a mineral or rock similar to fat in terms of its appearance and consistency (cf. similarly motivated deu. Speckstein). Latin *pinguia (petra) 'soapstone' is therefore suggested as the base type for (1)–(5).
The many forms with the stem vowels [ɐ, a] show a strong and obvious onomasiological influence by the etymologically sepate panna 'cream'. Not related to this type, however, are
(6) Lombard pench, raw. paintg 'butter', which should be traced back directly to pĭnguis 'fat' (HdR).
(7) Roh. penn 'buttermilk'
could be a regression based on pigna 'butter churn' since the buttermilk is drained from it.
The following diagram shows the word family (green arrows) as well as the recorded meanings (red arrows).
With regard to the metonymic motivation of the polysemy, the transfer of the terms from the natural raw material to artefacts of increasing complexity made from it (simple vessel > mechanical device) and finally to the functions associated with it can thus be observed.
Cortelazzo, Manlio/ Zolli, Paolo (1979): Dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana, Bologna, Zanichelli
Bernardi, Rut/Decurtinis, Alexi/Eichenhofer, Wolfgang/Saluz, Ursina/Vögeli, Moritz (1994): Handwörterbuch des Rätoromanischen, Zürich, vol. 1-3, Offizin
Roh. (Surselvic) pischada 'butter' as well as the corresponding variants in Middle Grisons are motivated by production, as this type likely goes back to the Latin verb *pisiare 'to stamp' (cf. Niev Vocabulari Sursilvan online, under pischada).
(auct. Thomas Krefeld – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
The Slavic morpho-lexical type planina is already attested in chu. (Old Church Slavonic). It still exists in today's Slavonic languages, such as: hrv. (Croatian) planìna, ukr. polonína, pol. płonina/połonina and usually denotes TREELESS MOUNTAIN PASTURES. In the research area, the polysemy of gem. Alm, Alp and roa. malga is replicated by the concepts MOUNTAIN PASTURE and SHEPERD'S HUT (cf. the map of planina). The type is also related to the chu. adjective ПOЛНЫЙ 'flat'.
It is phonetically possible to connect this base type – a typical Alpine word – to Latin popīna 'cookshop' and to assume the metonymic derivation 'food from the cookshop' (cf. Georges under popīna). REW declares this approach to be "entirely impossible conceptually" (under pūpa) and proposes a pre-Roman origin instead vor. This idea is broadly accepted (cf. HWdR, 624 and EWD 5, 417).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
The type Quark is found in dialectal use in Bavaria and Switzerland, while in Austria, Topfen is predominant. Quark represents the standard variant in High German, which may be one reason why it is increasingly replacing the basic dialectal form Topfen.
Middle German varieties originally borrowed the word from the North Sorbian twarog, which is how it entered New High German. In Middle High German it is still attested as twarc (cf. Kluge under Quark; DWDS under Quark).
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Hrsg.) (2004-): Das Digitale Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin
This base type is of Germanic descent. It general, Schmalz means RENDERED FAT. In many dialects, it denotes DISSOLVED BUTTER WHICH THE WATER AND PROTEIN HAS BEEN EXTRACTED FROM. This facilitates conservation (cf. DWB under Schmalz). In regions where there is much dairy farming, Schmalz, meaning 'fresh and simmered butter', is often opposed to Anke 'fresh butter' (cf. Idiotikon under Schmalz).
With the meaning of 'butter', Schmalz also became a loanword in Alpine Romansh; cf. lld. smàlz (EWD VI: 273–274; Blad under smauz).
This type nicely shows the need, in the context of VerbaAlpina, to differentiate between the most remote etymon (Italian linguistics speaks of the etimologia remota; cf. Schweickard 2010) and the base type of the forms recorded. Naturally, the ger. Schmalz corresponds to the verb schmelzen, as Kluge elaborates:
„Sn std. (9. Jh.), mhd.smalz, ahd.smalz, mndd.smalt, smolt, mndl.smout
as 'rendered fat' from schmelzen. Verb: schmalzen; adjective: schmalzig" (Kluge).
However, it seems that the noun in only documented in Dutch and German. It further seems to be the case that all forms recorded within VA's materials must be attributed to this noun. Because of this, it would be misleading to adduce a reconstructed Indo-Germanic verbal stem like *smelt-a.
Grimm, Jacob/ Grimm, Wilhelm (1854-1961): Deutsches Wörterbuch von Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Leipzig, Hirzel
This base type goes back to a Late Latin derivation of the term for whey cheese from lat. sěrum 'whey' with -aceus, which can be located in Upper Italy, Savoy and Switzerland. The base type is mainly preserved in Francoprovençal and Occitan. From *sēraceum emerged frp. seraz, which passed into French as sérac. The French spelling preserves the -c of *sēraceum simply for graphic reasons. From the French of Western Switzerland, Rescherack 'salted whey cheese' was borrowed into Swiss German (cf. FEW 11, 495 under *serāceum; cf. Idiotikon 4, 1642 under Rescherack; cf. TLFi under sérac).
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
This base type goes back to a Late Latin derivation of the term for whey cheese from lat. sěrum 'whey' with -aceus, which can be located in Upper Italy, Savoy and Switzerland. The base type is mainly preserved in Francoprovençal and Occitan. From *sēraceum emerged frp. seraz, which passed into French as sérac. The French spelling preserves the -c of *sēraceum simply for graphic reasons. From the French of Western Switzerland, Rescherack 'salted whey cheese' was borrowed into Swiss German (cf. FEW 11, 495 under *serāceum; cf. Idiotikon 4, 1642 under Rescherack; cf. TLFi under sérac).
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
According to HWdR , 2, 791, this composition of dretg 'right, straight' (< lat. directum) and si 'up' (< lat. *susum) is a loan translation of the deu. type aufrecht.
This base type meaning 'foam' is of Germanic origin. Its widespread use indicates borrowing from Germanic before the Migration Period. Originally, the word referred to a type of pomade that the Romans bought from the Teutons and called spuma (cf. Martial 8, 33, 19f. [ed. Loeb]: "fortior et tortos servat vesica capillos / et mutat Latias spuma Batava comas." 'Stronger the net that keeps braided hair in place and the Batavian foam that dyes Latin tresses'; see also Plin. NH 28, 191, where sapo/soap is referenced in this context). Plinius also uses the word to describe butyrum – 'butter', it seems (cf. the excerpt in the comment on the concept CHEESE). This is why it is likely that the Germanic word is a loanword from lat. spuma . Through the contact with the lat. expression, germ. *skūm also adopted the feminine gender and became skuma. It then was borrowed into French (écume ) and Italian (schiuma ). In the 12th century, fro., frm. escume had the meaning: 'Foam that forms on liquids when they are shaken, heated or when they are fermenting' (cf. FEW 17, 137–140 under *skūm). The specific meaning 'cream' seems to be typically alpine.
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
This morpho-lexical type is based on the Latin base type excocta. It is related to the roa. type scotta and the gem. Schotten. Phonetic and semantic developments suggest that the type was borrowed quite early into Slavonic (cf. SNOJ, under skūta).
The substantive base type Lat. solarium is derived from the Latin adjective sōlārius 'belonging to the sun'. The noun appeared in Latin with mainly two meanings: 1) sundial, 2) any place that is exposed to the sun (cf. Georges under solarius). Both meanings are already proven in Plautus (cf. Georges, under solarius; cf. FEW 12, 36-38 under solarium). The base type in its original meaning (2) can be found in Standard Italian and Standard German as well as Old and Middle French (cf. Ital. solaio, Ger. Söller, OFr. soler (see Du Cange Vol. 7 under solier).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This base type originates from lat. spŏngia 'sponge' which was borrowed from grc. σπογγιά. The newer form *sponga resulted from the influence of grc. σπόγγος. As a consequence, the suffix -ia was simplified to -a and the female gender was preserved. *Sponga became fra. éponge and ita. spongia. In Italy, the word has spread along the east coast from south to north, replacing lat. spongia in the Po Valley. While it also spread towards the north at the west coast, it could not suppress Tuscan spugna from lat. spŏngia. At the expense of spŏngia, it also spread across the entire Gallo-Roman area. Here, Marseille is suggested as the centre of this development, since the word arrived from Greece via the trade with sponges. Marseille was the main location for this (cf. FEW 12, 207–209 under spongia). The word was borrowed by Dolomite Ladin from Veneto or Trentino (vgl. EWD VI: 395). In Friuli, this type was used metaphorically to denote butter (vgl. AIS, map 1207 and map 1208; cf.ASLEF 3397) which might be due to its similarity in shape and colour to a sponge. During churning, the fat separates from the buttermilk in the form of butter granules. After draining the buttermilk, the butter granules are washed and then kneaded to squeeze out the remaining liquid (vgl. Mohr 1937: 379–380).
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
This morpho-lexical type designates CHEESE OF THE LIQUID AFTER THE FIRST COAGULATION OF THE SOLID MATTERS in Francoprovençal and Occitan. The type can be traced back to *sēracea, the fem. form of the adjective derivation of lat. sĕrum 'whey' (cf. Georges under serum). There also is a masculine variant (frp. seraz) documented in the FEW under *sēraceum which migrated into Standard French in the form of sérac (with a purely graphic final sound -c). A derivative of this was, in turn, borrowed into gsw. (Alemannic) (cf. Idiotikon under Rescherack ‘gesalzener Ziger’).
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This base type indubitably goes back to Latin; cf. Georges under tēla 'weave'. There are cognates for this term in the entire Romanesque language area, such as Ron. teară 'warp', Ita. tela 'weave', Piedmontese teila, Fr. toile, Rm. (Engadine) taila, Friulan tele, Es. tela or Por. teia. Apart from its original meaning, tēla developed a further specification denoting 'skin, encasement'. The mentioned metaphorical derivations 'SKIN ON THE MILK, CREAM' are nicely displayed on the map of tela. They can also be found elsewhere, like in Old Provencal teleta 'PEAU QUI SE FORME SUR LE LAIT CUIT' or Aromanian teară 'SKIN ON THE MILK' (cf. FEW under tēla 13/1: 158-162 and REW 8620 under tēla). A similarly inspired metaphor would be *nīta.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
The morpho-lexical type Tenne (also Tenn, Tenni; recorded as Denna, Den, Tänn, Tennen) is found in Bavarian and Alemannic dialects of the Alpine region. Within the crowd records, the meaning 'hay room, barn, threshing floor' is mentioned several times in the Bavarian language area, and occasionally also 'entrance to the stable barn, sheaf loft' or 'storage'. Even though there is hardly any documentation for the Alemannic area in the crowd records, the Idiotikon provides evidence for the existence of this morpho-lexical type in the Alemannic language area. The meanings 'place for threshing and cleaning the grain, feed alley in the cattle shed', but also 'floor' or 'dairy room' are attested (cf. Idiotikon under Tänn). In the DWB the meanings 'leveled ground inside or outside the barn serving as threshing floor', 'barn', 'hallway, house corridor, house threshing floor' or 'ground, place, area in general' are given for the lexeme Tenne. The origin is probably Indo-European, since in san. the word dhan has the meaning 'to beat' or 'place where beating, threshing takes place' (cf. DWB under Tenne).
In the Western Alps, the morpho-lexical type tomme is quite common. Etymologically, it goes back to cel. toma (cf. FEW 13/2, 20f., under *toma). As a generic name of the concept CHEESE, it is largely synonymous with the type fra. fromage/ita. formaggio. The transparent etymology of fromage/formaggio from the Latin participle formaticu(m) 'moulded' shows that there is a secondary taxonomic extension of meaning from 'moulded solid cheese' --> 'cheese, general' for this type. What is less obvious is that the generic meaning also seems to have developed only secondarily in the case of tomme. Proof is provided in Sicily, where both types with complementary meanings are well attested, as shown by the following map based on Sottile 2002, 168:
scn. tuma, which apparently came with the Gallo-Italian colonists in the wake of the Norman conquest, denoted the unformed fresh cheese, while scn. formaggiu denotes exclusively and very much in keeping with the etymology the moulded cheese, more precisely: the cheese mass of different degrees of ripeness pressed in moulded vessels:
"tuma GA ['tuma], GE → etn., AL → etn., CA → etn., IS. → etn., PO → etn. ['tuma],['tumwa] f. prodotto caseoso che si ottiene rompendo la cagliata. 2. formaggio fresco non sottoposto a sterilizzazione nella scotta. 3. formaggio fresco, immerso direttamente nella scotta senza essere pressato nelle fiscelle.
Rotta la cagliata (→ quagghiata) nella → tina, la massa caseosa che precipita sul fondo e che viene raccolta (→ accampari, → arricampari) e sistemata a scolare nel → tavulìeri è ormai detta tuma. La tuma, poi, facoltativamente tagliata a cubetti, viene sistemata in fiscelle (→ ntumari, → ntumalora) perché possa scolare ulteriormente. Tuma è, inoltre, chiamato il formaggio che non viene sottoposta a sterilizzazione nella scotta (cfr. GE) e che generalmente viene consumato subito [...]
Etn[otesto]. GE [a Geraci; TK] a tuma un ci â d'èssiri misa nâ → vasceɖɖa, si ssi parra di tuma.
Trad. «la 'tuma' non va messa [raccolta] nelle fiscelle, se parliamo della 'tuma' ». [...]
Etn. IS [a Isnello, TK] a tuma jeni u prodottu che si ffa ppoi u → formàggiu
Trad. «La 'tuma' è il prodotto [la pasta caseosa] che [con cui] si fa il formaggio». [...]" (Sottile 2002, 168)
Thus, in Sicily, both types have been preserved in their original and specific meanings, which is even still active in the case of formaggiu. The same goes for the scn. diminutive tumazzu (cf. Sottile 2002, 168), which stands for firm and moulded, but therefore also reduced, rather small cheeses, like the products now marketed as tomme in France and western Switzerland (cf. the corresponding 'tipi morfo-lessicali' in the Atlante linguistico della Sicilia – online).
Trad. «La 'tuma' è il prodotto [la pasta caseosa] che [con cui] si fa il formaggio». [...]" (Sottile 2002, 168)
Wartburg, Walter (1922-1967): Französisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Eine Darstellung des galloromanischen Sprachschatzes , Basel, vol. 20, Zbinden
The lexical type Topfen is used in Bavaria and Austria. The etymological dictionary of the German language associates Topf with this designation and refers to the Franconian Topfkäse, for example. Which of the two meanings of Topf this name refers to – 'vessel' or 'pot' – remains unknown (cf. Kluge under Topfen). The other derivation comes from nhd. Tupf(en) 'spot, point'. This etymology seems more fitting since Toppen or Doppel is recorded in Swabian and Swiss dialects (cf. DWDS under Topfen).
The distribution of Topfen is interesting from variety linguistic point of view. It is known and used as a dialectal form in Bavarian but stands alongside the common German standard variant Quark which is also mentioned as a dialectally used form. The presence of the variant Quark probably indicates that Topfen is being displaced a basic dialectal form. Contrary to the German standard, Topfen is a commonly used standard variant in Austria. This is visible in the fact that Quark is virtually non-existent as a dialectal variant while the Alemannic Vorarlberg has implemented Topfen into the dialect as a Bavarian quasi-loanword.
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Hrsg.) (2004-): Das Digitale Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin
The Gallo-Roman type mŭlgēre 'to milk' has largely been replaced by lat. trahěre 'to pull' (cf. Georges under traho). This is often attributed to homophony which resulted from the phonetic merging of the subsequent forms lat. molěre 'to grind' and fro., frm. moudre (cf. FEW 6, 198-200, under mŭlgēre).
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
This type seems to be pre-Latin, perhaps Gallic. The short entry in Kluge, online reads:
"Tieger. Sm ‛curd' per. wobd. (15th century), mhd.ziger, spahd.ziger. A word of the Alpine dialects. Origin uncertain." Hubschmied 1936, 93–95, suggested a Gallic etymon *tsigros or *tsigronos 'second warming'; the second form is necessary to explain the Romansh morpho-lexical type with a stressed suffix (Tschagrun). The dating given by Kluge is now outdated, as the word is already attested several times in the Consuetudines of the Hirsau monastery from the end of the 11th/beginning of the 12th century (cf. Bulitta 2018, 203). Hubschmied's approach is not weakened by this.
The restriction to West Upper German ("wobd.") claimed by Kluge must also be revised in view of the Tyrolean evidence on the VA map.
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
Bulitta, Brigitte; Mikeleitis-Winter, Almut (2018): Vom Schweigen der Mönche
Volkssprachige Bestandteile im Signa-loquendi-Kapitel der
Consuetudines Hirsaugienses und das Althochdeutsche, Berlin, in: Sprachwandel
im Deutschen.
Herausgegeben von Luise Czajkowski, Sabrina Ulbrich-Bösch
und Christina Waldvogel, De Gruyter, 181-212
VerbaAlpina
(auct. Thomas Krefeld – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
The Latin base unguere with the velar has indeed been displaced in the immediately neighbouring Romance contact area by the variant *ŭngĕre (REW 9069, under ŭngĕre), as can be seen from the palatalisation of the g in roh. (Surselvic) unscher, roh. (Engadinic) uondscher, ita. ungere and others (cf. HWdR, 971). The term for BUTTERont, lld. onto, vonto (cf. ron. unt) which is well documented in the Romansh-speaking part of the VA-area, is derived from the participle unctum. At the same time, it also meant 'ointment' from the 2nd century onwards, which is reflected in ita. unto, pms. oit 'ointment' (cf. FEW 14, 29–30 under unctum; cf. REW 9057 under unctum).
In contrast to Kluge, there are some arguments that support placing the Alemannic type Anke (cf. Idiotikon I, 341 under Anke) with the lat.-roa. base type ŭnguĕre 'to anoint, to coat'. In Kluge it is stated:
"Anke(n), (replaced by Butter) Sm ‛Butter' per. wobd. (8th century), mhd.anke, ahd.anko. Although the word is only preserved in German, g.*ankwōnm. ‛fat, butter' must be assumed as the continued form of ig. ( weur.) *ongwen- ‛ointment, fat, butter' (with various degrees of ablaut), cf. l.unguenn. ‛fat, ointment', air. imb ‛butter' (*ṇgwen-) of the verbal root ig.*ongw- ‛ointments' in ai. anákti, l.unguere and so forth. So, it originally meant ‛ointment, grease'." (Kluge, 47)
On the one hand, this reveals a plausible connection. On the other hand, however, an improbable etymological conclusion emerges: Kluge interprets the word as an isolated Indo-Germanic relict, although it would be much more logical to attribute this southwestern German (Alemannic) type to Latin-Romanic. The mentioned Latin base with the velar has admittedly been displaced by the variant *ŭngĕre (cf. REWOnline 9069, under ŭngĕre) in the directly neighbouring Romance contact area, as can be seen from the palatalisation of the g in roh. (Surselvic) unscher, eng. uondscher, ita. ungere and others (cf. HWdR, 971). In what is now the French region, however, cognates of lat. ŭnguĕre are predominant (cf. FEW 14, 36f. under unguere). Among them are also forms with clear semantic reference to milk processing, such as ogner 'donner son lait | giving milk' (with change of conjugation class) and ogna 'quantité de lait que donne une vache en une fois | quantity of milk given by a cow at once'. Incidentally, the participle unctum gave rise to the Friulian term for BUTTERont, lld. onto, vonto (cf. ron. unt). The hereby suggested borrowing from Latin-Romance is phonetically possible and semantically self-evident considering the numerous other romanisms in this onomasiological field. In view of the much wider distribution of the type butyru(m), it is also obvious to see an older type in the designations derived from the verb variants ŭnguĕre, *ŭngĕre, which was later superimposed by butyru(m).
Seebold, Elmar (2012): Kluge. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Berlin, DeGruyter
The base type lat. vannus is listed in the Reference Dictionaries of VerbaAlpina, mainly with the meaning 'grain and fodder swing' (cf. Georges under vannus; cf. FEW 14, 157 under vannus). 'Swing' denotes the winnowing pan – an agricultural wooden device used to separate the wheat grains from the chaff, which is inedible. This device is held by the outer handles and spun so that the air passing through it separates the grains from the chaff. In the VerbaAlpina area, this Latin base type is represented by morpho-lexical types related to the concepts AVALANCHE and TUB (cf. the map of the base type vannus; see also vendúl (m.) (roa.)). The use of the same term to denote AVALANCHE on the one hand and HOLLOW on the other can be explained by a metonymic relationship of the type "vessel – content".
This type is also present in the toponymy of the Alpine region: consider the place names Van delle Sasse and Van de Zità in the Belluno Dolomites. According to Pellegrini 1990, 206 the form van bears the meaning 'tub of stone' and indeed Van delle Sasse and Van de Zità represent hollows, glacial basins between high Dolomite peaks.
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
Pellegrini, Giovan Battista (1990): Toponomastica italiana: 10000 nomi di città, paesi, frazioni, regioni, contrade, fiumi, monti spiegati nella loro origine e storia, Milano, Hoepli
The word was already known as vědro in Old Church Slavic and then passed into the modern Slavic languages (cf. hrv. vèdro, vjèdro, rus. vedró 'capacity', ces. vědro ‛bucket, tub', pol. wiadro 'bucket'). It is a derivative from the idg. *u̯ódr̥, meaning 'water'.
The Reference Dictionaries of VerbaAlpina do not give any information on the morpho-lexical type vendúl (m. roa) discussed here. Only in LSI (5, 744), a variant of this type is found under ventǘ, meaning 'avalanche'. The variants of this word type attested in VerbaAlpina also refer primarily to the concept (cf. the map vendúl). However, other written sources indicate that this word may have other meanings: Pult and Hubschmid, for example, list various words related to 'hollow' (including vandül in the Verzasca Valley) or 'gutter' (including vandel in Ticino) (cf. Pult 1947, 75ff.; Hubschmid 1950, 42ff.). Furthermore, the word bandl 'tub' (Blad, under bandl) is attested in Ladin (Badia Valley). The use of the same term to designate AVALANCHE on the one hand and HOLLOW on the other can be explained by a metonymic relationship of the type 'vessel – contents'.
This type is also wide-spread in toponymy: The place name vandulo appears in the Canton of Grisons as well as in Italian Switzerland. In the Bergamo area, for example, a "via vandullo" can be found. In the Dizionario Toponomastico Trentino, place names such as bochèt dei vandùi, vandùgola and many more are recorded. Finally, the place name Vandoies (deu. Vintl) in the South Tyrolean Pustertal could also be related to this word type. Place names of the type (la)oi(es) occur in several variants in the Dolomites: Oies in Abtei, Lavoi in Colle Santa Lucia, Laoi in Rocca Pietore and denote 'mud' or 'muddy ground' (cf. Liotto/Anvidalfarei/Irsara 2014, 183; cf. Pallabazzer 1972, 49). The toponym Vandoies, which is composed of van and Oies, could mean 'basin, covered with mud' or 'puddle of water'.
Jokl suggests that the type is etymologically derived from ine. *uendh- 'to turn' (cf. Jokl 1945/1946, 203); Pult 1947 prefers cel. vind- or vindos 'white'. Hubschmid is convinced of the Latin origin and considers Latin vannus 'grain vat' to be the etymon (cf. also Georges under vannus). With regard to this, he notes that it is a metaphorical transfer "from the object to the terrain" (cf. Hubschmid 1950, 74). Hubschmid's suggestion seems to be the most plausible solution not only for phonetic but also for semantic reasons (see also the commentary on the base type vannus).
Lurà, Franco (Hrsg.) (2004): Lessico dialettale della Svizzera italana, Bellinzona, Centro di dialettologia e di etnografia
Jon Pult (1947): Die Bezeichnungen für Gletscher und Lawine in den Alpen, Samedan, Engadin Press
Hubschmid, Johannes (1950): Vorindogermanische und jüngere Wortschichten in den romanischen Mundarten der Ostalpen, Tübingen, in: Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, vol. 66, Niemeyer, 1-94
Liotto, Silvia / Anvidalfarei, Paolo / Irsara, Elmar (2014): Raccolta, archiviazione e pubblicazione dei toponimi ladini della Val Badia, in: Ladinia , vol. XXXVIII
Pallabazzer, Vito (1972): I nomi di luogo dell'Alto Cordevole, Volume III, Parte V, Firenze, Leo Olschki
Norbert Jokl (1945/1946): Zur Frage der vorrömischen Bestandteile der alpinlombardischen und rätoromanischen Mundarten, in: Vox Romanica 8, 147-215
Georges, Heinrich (1913-1918): Ausführliches lateinisch-deutsches Handwörterbuch. Aus den Quellen zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitäten unter Berücksichtigung der besten Hilfsmittel ausgearbeitet, Hannover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung
In German and Slovenian, the base type zimbar exists alongside the base type camera, as shown by the standard variants deu. Zimmer and Kammer or slv. cimer and kamra. In some uses, the two are also synonymous, as shown by the map map of the concept DACHKAMMER. The base type zimbar is originally Germanic (see below), whereas the base type camera goes back to Latin, so that in Slovenian both are to be regarded as loanwords. More precisely, both were probably taken directly from the respective language family: slv. cimer derives from deu. Zimmer for the type is absent in Romanic. Slv. kamra can most easily be understood as a substrate borrowing from Latin-Romanic or as an adverbial borrowing from the Romanic neighbours, which the palatalised forms, though rarely attested in VA, seem to indicate. In any case, it is unnecessary to assume a secondary mediation via deu. Kammer. At best, a multiple borrowing from both German and Lat.-Roa. is conceivable. At best, a repeated borrowing from both German and Lat.-Roa. is conceivable. However, it is important to point out that the (partial) synonymy of the two types results from the function of the denoted spaces. Historically, they come not only from different language families, but also from completely different traditions of house construction. Zimbar stands for constructions made of wood, as is clear from the related forms in the other Germanic languages; cf. Kluge 2012 (online n.p.):
"Zimmer, Sn std. (8th century), mhd.zimber, zim(m)erm./n., ahd. zimbar, as. timbar ‛living space, dwelling, wooden building, timber'.
From g. *temra-n. ‛Building timber, timbered', also in anord. timbr, ae. afr. timber; gt. in tim(b)rjan ‛to timber' (like anord.timbra, ae.timbr(i)an, afr. timbria, timmeria, as.timbron, ahd. zimb(a)rōn, mhd.zimbren, zimmern, nhd.zimmern). [...]".
Lat. camera, on the other hand, presupposes stone construction, which the Old High German evidence points out just as unmistakably as the concise article in Kluge 2012 (online n.p.):
"Kammer Sf erw. obs. (8th century), mhd.kamer(e), ahd. chamara, as.kamara.
Borrowed early from l.camera ‛vaulted ceiling', then ‛room with vaulted ceiling, vaulting', which in turn is borrowed from gr.kamára ‛vault, vaulted chamber'. [...] Likewise nndl.kamer, ne.chamber, nfrz.chambre, nschw.kammare, nnorw.kammer".
Greek lexicography confirms this depiction (see LSJ, under κᾰμάρ-α, Ion. κᾰμάρ-η [μᾰ], ἡ). The widespread adoption of stone construction is known to have resulted in numerous Latin-Romanic borrowings in German (Examples). In this light, it is remarkable that there is no indication in the VerbaAlpina material of a borrowing in the opposite direction, i.e., from zimbar into Romance languages. However, timber construction was by no means completely displaced. The borrowing of the type zimbar into Slovenian shows that, especially in areas such as the Alps, where both materials are readily available depending on the altitude, it apparently became well established and spread alongside stone construction (cf. the map). Incidentally, the onomasiologically related base type thilla, deu. Diele, which was also borrowed into Slovenian, but not into Romanic languages, presents itself quite analogously (cf. map). This results in the following stratigraphic sketch:
STRATO romanzo
.
STRATO gem. (ted.)
STRATO slavo (slov.)
camera
.
Chamber
.
Diele, Zimmer→
.
→→ dilje, cimr
chamber
.
↑
.
SOSTRATO ↑
.
SOSTRATO ↑
.
latino-romanzo camera
(1940): A Greek-English Lexicon. revised and augmented throughout by. Sir Henry Stuart Jones. with the assistance of. Roderick McKenzie, Oxford, Clarendon
This Slavic base type can be found in the written sources of Old Church Slavonic. Some of today's standard Slavic languages adopted this type: hbs. žlijȇb, dial. rus. žólob, slk. žl'ab, pol. żłób, all meaning 'feeding trough'. In Proto-Slavic, *žȇlbъ was probably a term for SOMETHING HOLLOWED. Therefore, the functional extension of the meaning to 'feeding trough' is plausible. The base type is related to grc. gláphō (γλάφω) 'to hollow out', grc. gláphy (γλάφῠ, n.) 'cave, valley', sga. gulban 'spike, beak', cym. gylf 'beak' and the Gallo-Roman gulbia 'chisel, gouge'. (cf. SNOJ, under žlẹ̑b).
neuter
(auct. Aleksander Wiatr – trad. Mia-Sophie Burgdorf)
